Rezultati siječanjskih parlamentarnih izbora u Grčkoj izazvali su veliko zanimanje i komešanje diljem Europe. Pobjeda lijeve Syrize s platformom protivljenja neoliberalnim mjerama štednje u korist spašavanja bankarskih profita dočekana je s momentalnom idiosinkratičkom reakcijom europskih srednjestrujaških medija i kapitalističkih centara moći koji, barem zasad, odbijaju bilo kakvu pomisao o pregovorima o smanjenju grčkog državnog duga. S druge strane, velik dio europske ljevice na pobjedu Syrize reagirao je s neskrivenim i neumjerenim oduševljenjem. Prema mnogim izjavama i mišljenjima koja su dolazila s tog dijela političkog spektra, neoliberalizam je terminalno ugrožen, kraj kapitalizma se bliži, dogodila se revolucija! No je li uistinu tako?
Prva stvar koju vrijedi istaknuti oko grčkih izbora jest da je Grčka dobila petu vladu u nešto malo više od pet godina. Izbori su označeni povijesnima za Grčku i za Europu, no usprkos tomu neodaziv grčkih birača iznosio je 36% - broj ljudi koji nisu glasali jednak je broju glasača Syrize. No u kontekstu recentne grčke povijesti, pobjeda Syrize može se smatrati prekretnicom jer je označila kraj tzv. metapolitefsi razdoblja koje je uspostavljeno nakon pada režima vojne hunte 1974., s političkom dominacijom dviju stranaka, desnocentrističke Nove Demokracije i lijevocentrističkog PASOK-a. Točno je i da Syriza stoji najdalje na ljevici od bilo koje prethodne grčke vlade, što nije sasvim beznačajno u zemlji duge tradicije oštre represije usmjerene na lijeve i radikalne socijalne pokrete. Očita je i činjenica da pobjeda Syrize ima i šire europsko značenje. Osim što je izraženo snažno protivljenje neoliberalizmu i mjerama štednje, značajno je i to što je došlo do sloma političkog centra i dugogodišnjeg dvostranačkog sustava, a što će svakako imati implikacije za nadolazeće parlamentarne izbore u Španjolskoj. Uspon nove lijeve stranke Podemos također i ondje označava slom političkog centra.
No iz slobodarske perspektive, radi se samo o još jednim izborima kojima se ne treba zanositi. Izvještaji iz Grčke govore i o tome kako najveći entuzijazam oko Syrize vlada u ljevičarskim intelektualnim krugovima, dok im podrška u širim narodnim slojevima može biti kratkog vijeka. Programski ciljevi Syrize znače reformu grčke države i bolje upravljanje krizom. Iako su i mnogobrojni pripadnici grčkih radikalnih socijalnih pokreta svojim glasom podržali Syrizu, opozicijsko djelovanje Syrize u parlamentu tijekom protekle dvije i pol godine imalo je učinak slabljenja energije radikalnih pokreta i ulične akcije. Štoviše, početak rasta popularnosti Syrize dogodio se upravo u trenutku poraza masovnog uličnog otpora nametanju štednje i krize koji je kulminirao okupacijom trga Syntagma u ljeto 2011.
Iako su početni dani Syrizine vlasti obilježeni najavama pozitivnih zakonskih poteza usmjerenih na ublažavanje posljedica recesije na najslabije slojeve grčkog društva (povećanje minimalne plaće, besplatna električna struja za siromašna kućanstva), te pomalo teatraliziranim verbalnim prepucavanjima ministra financija Varoufakisa i predstavnika Trojke, valja istaknuti i činjenicu da je stvarna moć svake parlamentarne vlasti ograničena silama tržišta i kapitala, a u slučaju Grčke i postojanjem tzv. "paralelne države". U slučaju oštrog i nepopustljivog stava Syrize prema Trojki, suprotstavljanja koje bi ozbiljno ugrozilo interese i klasnu moć vladajućih, kapital može odgovoriti bijegom i štrajkom – potrebno je tek nekoliko pritisaka na kompjuterskoj tipkovnici za prijenos sredstava iz jedne zemlje u drugu. Financijska kriza može započeti kada vladajućih 1% počne iznositi sredstva iz zemlje. Već je i neposredno prije izbora sama pomisao na Syrizinu pobjedu dovela do bijega kapitala iz Grčke – oko 8 milijardi eura transferirano je izvan Grčke. Bijeg kapitala tako izmiče bogatstvo koje bi trebalo biti osnova za bilo kakvu redistributivnu politiku. Svaki, pa i najmanji potez Syrize koji bi bio protivan interesima bankara i birokrata u Frankfurtu i Bruxellesu, mogao bi dovesti do bankarskog kolapsa Grčke. U situaciji u kojoj se nalazi grčka ekonomija, uz visoku zaduženost i ovisnost grčkih banki o sredstvima Europske Centralne Banke, takav razvoj događaja u startu bi uništio mogućnost bilo kakve socijaldemokratske reforme. Tsipras i Varoufakis su toga svjesni i svim silama nastoje umiriti tržišta kapitala, čak i pod cijenu otvorenih izjava o odustajanju od predizbornih obećanja ukoliko to bude potrebno. Najnovija odluka ECB o neprihvaćanju grčkih obveznica kao osiguranja za bankarske zajmove, već je stvorila dodatan pritisak na novu vladu. Frankfurtski eurobankari tako su grčkim bankama jednostavno poskupili pristup novcu, a teret financiranja prebacili na grčku središnju banku koja će im morati osigurati sredstva u desecima milijardi eura.
Također, ne smijemo zaboraviti kako su ne jednom i druge sile osim strogo ekonomskih stale na put ljevičarskim pokretima i socijaldemokratskim vladama. Dovoljno je prisjetiti se državnog udara u Čileu 1973. i "strategije tenzije" u Italiji 1970-ih. Grčka ima dugu povijest postojanja "paralelne države" koja seže sve do pada vojne diktature 1974. Iskazano u postotku BDP-a, Grčka ima jednu od najbolje financiranih vojski u Europi, a jedna od značajki struktura tajne države iziđe na vidjelo prilikom svakih izbora kada oko 50% grčke policije glasa za neonacističku Zlatnu Zoru. Pitanje je u kojoj će mjeri Syriza uspjeti ovladati paradržavnim snagama. Otvoreni državni udar je teško zamisliv, no vjerojatnija je svojevrsna strategija tenzije izazivanjem kaosa poticanjem militantne neofašističke desnice na nasilje s ciljem rušenja Syrize i instaliranjem vlasti dovoljno poslušne onima na vrhu klasne hijerarhije.
Cilj ovog kratkog teksta jest ukazati na višestruka značenja i mogućnosti koja se otvaraju dolaskom ljevičarske stranke na vlast u Grčkoj. Na djelomičan rasplet događaja neće biti potrebno dugo čekati jer već krajem ovog mjeseca ističe program kreditiranja grčkih banki od strane ECB-a. U svrhu postizanja dogovora s Komisijom, ECB-om i Berlinom te izbjegavanja bankarskog sloma, za očekivati je određeno ublažavanje retorike i ciljeva Syrize i nove grčke vlasti. U tom kontekstu, ljevičarske i socijaldemokratske proklamacije o početku revolucije na europskoj periferiji i kraju neoliberalizma očito su, kao i toliko puta dosad, nerealne i pretjerane. Valja priznati da Syriza na vlasti može omogućiti određeni dodatni prostor grčkim socijalnim pokretima te barem djelomično ublažiti posljedice strašne krize koja je zadesila Grčku, no ne smijemo zaboraviti da stvarna vlast ne leži u parlamentu i uredima premijera. Za sve one koji žele više od ublažavanja sistemskih kriza kapitalizma, nijedna Syriza ovog svijeta nije rješenje. Za sve one kojima je cilj slobodarski komunizam rješenje je nehijerarhijsko organiziranje u bazi društva, na radnim mjestima, u kvartovima i lokalnim zajednicama sa zadatkom stvaranja revolucionarnih struktura kontramoći (kroz borbene sindikate, federacije autonomnih zona i organizacija, klasne socijalne pokrete i međunarodnu solidarnost) spremnih da, u povoljnom historijskom trenutku, sruše kapitalizam i zamijene državu.
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cekat predkolapsno stanje kapitalizma u kojem na povrsinu isplivaju marginalne grupe, ljeve i desne, liberalne demokracije, za smanjit pritisak kapitala na standard naroda i za bolju politicku klimu za razvoj antidrzavnog organiziranja nije najbolja taktika, dok su kapitalizam i drzava stabilni treba akcijom prema drzavi i omasovljenju njezinog obrazovnog sistema i podizanjem samostalnih radnickih univerziteta i biblioteka djelovat kontra neukosti i zatucanosti najsire mase, da ona bitno prije nego postane prekasno za nac bilo kakav izlaz razumi svoj interes i time slomi moc propagandno kontrolnog aparata exploatatorske socijalne grupe
bilo kakav izlaz razumi svoj
bilo kakav izlaz razumi svoj interes i time slomi moc propagandno kontrolnog aparata exploatatorske socijalne grupe
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Thank A Lot
Papel De Parede De Feliz Ano Novo 2017