Rudolf Rocker: Ideologija anarhizma

Anarhizam je određena intelektualna struja društvene misli, čiji sljedbenici zagovaraju ukidanje ekonomskih monopola, kao i svih političkih i društvenih institucija prisile unutar društva. Umjesto kapitalističkog ekonomskog poretka, anarhisti žele slobodno udruživanje svih proizvodnih snaga zasnovano na kooperativnom radu, koji bi kao svoj jedini cilj imao zadovoljavanje osnovnih zahtjeva svakog člana društva. Umjesto sadašnjih nacionalnih država, s njihovom beživotnom mašinerijom političkih i birokratskih institucija, anarhisti žele federaciju slobodnih zajednica koje bi bile vezane jedna za drugu zajedničkim ekonomskim i društvenim interesima i koje bi svoje odnose uređivale međusobnim sporazumima i slobodnim ugovorima.

Svatko tko dublje proučava ekonomski i politički razvoj sadašnjeg društvenog sistema prepoznat će da ovi ciljevi ne potječu iz utopijskih ideja nekolicine maštovitih inovatora, već su one logičan rezultat opsežnog istraživanja postojećih društvenih grešaka, koje se, sa svakom novom fazom sadašnjih društvenih uvjeta, manifestiraju sve jasnije i sve nezdravije. Suvremeni monopolitički kapitalizam i totalitarna država su samo posljednji stupovi razvoja koji nije mogao kulminirati na neki drugi način.

Čudesni razvoj našeg postojećeg ekonomskog sistema, koji je doveo do moćne akumulacije društvenog bogatstva u rukama privilegiranih manjina i do konstantne represije nad velikim dijelom naroda, prokrčio je put za sadašnju političku i društvenu reakciju i udružio se s njom. Žrtvovao je opće interese ljudskog društva privatnim interesima pojedinaca, i tako sistematski potkopao prave odnose među ljudima. Ljudi su zaboravili da industrija nije svrha samoj sebi, već treba biti samo sredstvo koje će čovjeku osigurati njegovo materijalno postojanje i učiniti mu dostupnima blagodati više intelektualne kulture. Tamo gdje industrija predstavlja sve, gdje je rad izgubio svoj etički značaj i gdje čovjek ne predstavlja ništa, počinje carstvo bezobzirnog ekonomskog despotizma, čija djela nisu manje užasna od onih u bilo kakvom političkom despotizmu. Oba se međusobno nadopunjuju, hrane se sa istog izvora.

Naš suvremeni društveni sistem je iznutra podijelio društveni organizam svake države u neprijateljske klase, a izvana je razbio uobičajeni kulturni krug u neprijateljske nacije; i klase i nacije su međusobno suprotstavljene otvorenim antagonizmom, a svojim stalnim ratovima komunalni društveni život drže u stalnim grčevima. Dva svjetska rata tijekom polovice stoljeća i njihove zastrašujuće posljedice, i konstantna opasnost od novih ratova, koji danas dominiraju svim ljudima, samo su logične posljedice ovog nepodnošljivog stanja koje mogu voditi samo daljnim univerzalnim katastrofama. Sama činjenica da su mnoge države danas obvezne potrošiti veći dio godišnjeg proračuna na tzv. nacionalnu obranu i likvidaciju starih ratnih dugova je dokaz neodrživosti sadašnjeg stanja; trebalo bi svima biti jasno da je pretpostavljena zaštita koju država pruža pojedincima svakako suviše skupo plaćena.

Sve veća moć bezdušne političke birokracije koja nadzire i osigurava čovjekov život od kolijevke do groba predstavlja sve veće prepreke na putu međusobnoj suradnji među ljudskim bićima. Sistem koji svakim svojim činom tijekom života žrtvuje blagostanje velikog broja ljudi, čitavih naroda, zbog sebične pohlepe za moći i ekonomskim interesima manjine, neminovno mora razvezati društvene veze i voditi ka stalnom ratu svih protiv svih. Ovaj sistem je jednostavno utro put za krupnu intelektualnu i društvenu reakciju koji svoj izraz danas pronalazi u suvremenom fašizmu i ideji totalitarne države, daleko nadmašujući opsesiju za vlašću apsolutističke monarhije prošlih stoljeća i pokušavajući svaku sferu ljudske aktivnosti staviti pod državnu kontrolu. „Sve za državu; sve kroz državu; ništa bez države!“ je postao lajtmotiv nove političke teologije koja ima svoje različite sustave crkvene teologije – Bog je sve, čovjek je ništa, pa tako po suvremenom političkom kredu država je sve, a građanin ništa. I kao što su se riječi „po volji Božjoj“ koristile za opravdavanje volje privilegiranih kasti, tako se i danas iza državne volje kriju samo sebični interesi onih koji se osjećaju pozvanim tumačiti ovu volju po osobnim osjećajima i namećući iste drugim ljudima.

U suvremenom anarhizmu pronalazimo slijevanje u jedno dviju velikih struja koje su prije i tijekom francuske revolucije imale toliko karakterističan izraz u intelektualnom životu Europe: socijalizam i liberalizam. Suvremeni socijalizam razvijen je kada su duboki promatrači društvenog života sve jasnije vidjeli da političko konstituiranje i promjene oblika vlasti nikad ne mogu doprijeti do korijena velikog problema kojeg nazivamo društveno pitanje. Njegove pristaše su prepoznale da izjednačavanje društvenih i ekonomskih uvjeta u korist svih, usprkos najdivnijim teoretskim postavkama, nije moguće sve dok su ljudi podijeljeni na klase na osnovi toga posjeduju li, ili ne, imovinu, klase čije samo postojanje isključuje bilo kakvu pomisao na iskrenu zajednicu. I otud su razvili uvjerenje da samo eliminacijom ekonomskih monopola i zajedničkim vlasništvom nad sredstvima za proizvodnju uvjeti društvenog života mogu postati izvodljivi, uvjeti u kojima će društvo postati istinska zajednica, a ljudski rad više neće služiti ciljevima eksploatacije, već osiguravanju blagostanja za sve. Ali čim je socijalizam počeo okupljati svoje snage i postajati pokret, odjednom su na svjetlost dana isplivale razlike u mišljenju nastale uslijed utjecaja društvenog okruženja u različitim zemljama. Činjenica je da je svaki politički koncept od teokracije do cezarizma i diktature imao utjecaj na određene frakcije socijalističkog pokreta.

U međuvremenu, druge dvije velike struje političke misli su imale odlučujući značaj na razvoj socijalističkih ideja: liberalizam, koji je snažno utjecao na umove u anglosaksonskim zemljama, Nizozemskoj i Španjolskoj, i demokracija u smislu koji je Rousseau opisao u svom Društvenom ugovoru, i koja je svoje najutjecajnije predstavnike imala u vođama francuskog jakobinizma. I dok je liberalizam u svojim socijalnim teorijama polazio od individue i želio aktivnosti države svesti na minimum, demokracija je svoj stav zasnivala na apstraktnom kolektivnom konceptu, Rousseauvoj općoj volji, preko koje je pokušavala popraviti nacionalne države. Liberalizam i demokracija su bili pretežno politički koncepti, a pošto je većina zagovornika obje struje veoma malo razmatrala ekonomske uvjete u društvu, daljnji razvoj tih uvjeta nije mogao biti praktično uspoređen s prvobitnim principima demokracije, a još manje s liberalnim principima. Demokracija sa svojim motom o jednakosti svih građana pred zakonom, kao i liberalizam sa svojim pravom čovjeka nad vlastitom ličnošću, bili su slomljeni stvarnostima kapitalističke ekonomije. Sve dok milijuni ljudskih bića u svakoj državi moraju prodavati rad maloj grupi vlasnika, i tonu u najgoru bijedu ako ne mogu pronaći kupce, tzv. jednakost pred zakonom ostaje samo vrhunska prevara, pošto zakone donose oni koji posjeduju društveno bogatstvo. Ali na isti način, ne može biti govora o nečijoj vlastitoj ličnosti, jer to pravo nestaje kada se netko potčini ekonomskom diktatu drugog – ako ne želi umrijeti od gladi.

Kao i liberalizam, anarhizam predstavlja ideju po kojoj sreća i prosperitet individue moraju biti standard u svim društvenim pitanjima. A, kao i veliki predstavnici liberalne misli, također ima i ideju ograničenja funkcija vlasti na minimum. Njegovi zagovornici su slijedili ovu misao do njenih konačnih posljedica, i željeli su iz života društva eliminirati svaku instituciju političke vlasti. Kada Jefferson sažme osnovne koncepte liberalizma riječima: „Najbolja vlast je ona koja najmanje upravlja“, anarhisti preko Thoreaua odgovaraju: „Najbolja vlast je ona koja uopće ne upravlja“.

Kao i osnivači socijalizma, anarhisti su zahtijevali ukidanje ekonomskog monopola u svakom obliku i vidu, i podržavali su zajedničko vlasništvo nad zemljom i svim drugim sredstvima proizvodnje, upotrebu koja mora biti dostupna svima bez razlika; osobna i društvena sloboda su zamislive samo na osnovi jednakih ekonomskih uvjeta za sve. Unutar samog socijalističkog pokreta, anarhisti su zastupali gledište da borba protiv kapitalizma mora u isto vrijeme biti i borba protiv prinudnih institucija političke vlasti, jer je kroz povijest ekonomska eksploatacija išla ruku pod ruku s političkim i društvenim ugnjetavanjem. Ekspolatacija čovjeka od strane čovjeka i dominacija čovjeka nad čovjekom su neodvojivi, i jedno je uvjet drugome.

Sve dok se grupe ljudskih bića, onih koji posjeduju i onih koji ne posjeduju, unutar društva neprijateljski suočavaju, država će biti potrebna manjini koja posjeduje radi zaštite njihovih interesa. Kada takvo stanje društvene nepravde iščezne da bi ustupilo mjesto višem redu stvari, koji neće priznavati posebna prava i koji će za svoju osnovnu pretpostavku imati zajednicu društvenih interesa, vlast nad ljudima mora ustupiti prostor administraciji ekonomskih i društvenih poslova, ili, kako kaže Saint-Simon: „Doći će vrijeme kada će umjetnost upravljanja ljudima iščeznuti. Njeno mjesto će zauzeti nova umjetnost, umjetnost upravljanja stvarima“. U ovom smislu anarhizam treba promatrati kao vrstu dobrovoljnog socijalizma.

Ovo također naginje ka teoriji koju su zastupali Marx i njegovi sljedbenici po kojoj je država, u obliku diktature proletarijata, nužna prijelazna faza ka besklasnom društvu, u kojem će se država, poslije eliminacije svih klasnih sukoba, a potom i samih klasa, razložiti i iščeznuti s platna. Za ovaj koncept, koji u potpunosti pogrešno tumački pravu prirodu države i povijesni značaj činilaca političke moći, jedini logičan ishod je tzv. ekonomski materijalizam, koji sve povijesne fenomene vidi jedino kao neizbježan efekt načina proizvodnje tijekom vremena. Pod utjecajem ove teorije su počeli različite oblike države i svih drugih društvenih institucija promatrati kao društvenu i „pravnu i političku superstrukturu na ekonomskim osnovama“, smatrajući da su u njoj pronašli ključ za svaki povijesni proces. U stvarnosti svaki dio povijesti pruža nam na tisuće primjera kako je država i njena politička moć stoljećima usporavala ekonomski razvoj zemalja.

Prije uspona crkvene monarhije, Španjolska je, industrijski, bila najnaprednija država u Europi i držala je prvo mjesto u ekonomskoj proizvodnji na gotovo svakom polju. Ali stoljeće nakon trijumfa kršćanske monarhije veći dio njene industrije je iščeznuo; ono što od nje ostalo preživljavalo je u najbjednijim uvjetima. U mnogim industrijama vratili su se najprimitivnijim sredstvima proizvodnje. Poljoprivreda je doživljavala slom, kanali i vodeni putevi su se pretvorili u ruševine, a ogromne obradive površine na selu pretvorile su se u pustinje. Kneževski apsolutizam u Europi, sa svojim suludim „ekonomskim propisima“ i „industrijskim zakonodavstvom“, koje je strogo kažnjavalo svako odstupanje od propisanih metoda proizvodnje i koji nije dozvoljavao upotrebu novih pronalazaka, stoljećima je blokirao industrijski razvoj u europskim zemljama, i sprječavao njihov prirodni razvoj. Čak i danas nakon užasnih iskustava u dva svjetska rata, politika moći velikih nacionalnih država dokazuje da je najveća prepreka rekonstrukciji europske ekonomije.

U Rusiji, međutim, gdje je tzv. diktatura proletarijata sazrela u stvarnosti, aspiracije određene partije za političkom moći spriječile su istinsku socijalističku reorganizaciju ekonomskog života i gurnule zemlju pod ropstvo tlačiteljskog državnog kapitalizma. Diktatura proletarijata, za koju su naivne duše vjerovale da je neizbježan prijelazni stupanj ka pravom socijalizmu, do danas je prerasla u užasan despotizam i novi imperijalizam, koji ni u čemu ne zaostaje za tiranijom fašističkih država. Tvrdnja da država mora postojati dokle god je društvo podijeljeno na neprijateljske klase zvuči, u svjetlu svih povijesnih iskustava, gotovo kao loš vic.

Svaki oblik političke vlasti pretpostavlja i neki oblik ljudskog ropstva, radi čijeg je održavanja i uvedena. Kao što izvana, tj. u odnosu prema drugim državama, država mora stvoriti određene umjetne antagonizme kako bi opravdala svoje postojanje, tako i iznutra rascjep na kaste, činove i klase, predstavlja neophodan uvjet njenog daljnjeg postojanja. Razvoj boljševičke birokracije u Rusiji pod navodnom diktaturom proletarijata, nikad nije bio ništa drugo do diktatura male klike nad proletarijatom, a cjelokupan ruski narod je samo novi primjer povijesnog iskustva koje se ponovilo bezbroj puta. Ta nova vladajuća klasa, koja se danas ubrzano razvija u novu aristokraciju, odvojena je od velikih masa ruskog seljaštva i radništva toliko jasno koliko su i privilegirane kaste i klase, u drugim zemljama, odvojene od narodnih masa. A takva situacija postaje još nepodnošljivija kada despotska država poriče nižim klasama pravo da se žale na postojeće uvjete, tako da se svaki protest izvodi uz opasnost po njihove živote.

Ali čak i daleko veći stupanj ekonomske jednakosti nego onaj koji postoji u Rusiji ne bi bio garancija protiv političkog i društvenog ugnjetavanja. Sama ekonomska jednakost nije društveno oslobođenje. Upravo to je ono što nijedna škola autoritarnog socijalizma nikad nije shvatila. U zatvoru, u samostanu, u vojarnama, možemo pronaći prilično visok stupanj ekonomske jednakosti, pošto je svim stanarima osigurano isto mjesto stanovanja, ista hrana, ista uniforma, i isti zadatak. Drevna država Inka u Peruu, i isusovačka država u Paragvaju, učinile su jednake ekonomske uvjete za svakog stanovnika fiksiranim ustavom, ali usprkos tome tamo vlada najgori despotizam, a ljudsko biće je puki automat za provođenje vrhovne volje, na čije odluke nema ni najmanje utjecaja. Nije Proudhon bez razloga u „socijalizmu“ bez slobode vidio najgori oblik ropstva. Težnja za društvenom pravdom se može pravilno razviti i biti djelotvorna samo kada se razvije iz čovjekovog osjećaja slobode i odgovornosti, i kada se na njima zasniva. Drugim riječima, socijalizam će biti slobodan ili ga uopće neće biti. U shvaćanju ove činjenice leži istinsko i duboko opravdanje anarhizma.

Institucije, u životu društva, imaju istu ulogu kao fizički organi biljaka i životinja; oni su organi društvenog tijela. Organi se ne razvijaju proizvoljno, već svoj postanak duguju određenim potrebama fizičkog i društvenog okruženja. Promjena životnih uvjeta proizvodi promijenjene organe. Ali organ uvijek izvodi funkciju zbog koje se i razvijao, ili neku srodnu i postepeno nestaje ili postaje rudimentaran čim njegova funkcija više nije potrebna organizmu.

Isto tako je i s društvenim institucijama. One, također, ne nastaju proizvoljno, već nastaju zbog posebnih društvenih potreba da bi služile određenoj svrsi. Na taj način je moderna država evoluirala, pošto su ekonomske privilegije i klasne razlike povezane s njima postajale sve upadljivije u okviru starog društvenog poretka. Novonastale klase onih koji posjeduju imale su potrebu za političkim instrumentom moći kako bi sačuvale svoje ekonomske i društvene privilegije od masa njihovog vlastitog naroda, i da bi ih nametnule drugim grupama ljudskih bića. Tako su nastali pogodni društveni uvjeti za evoluciju moderne države kao organa političke moći za nasilno pokoravanje i ugnjetavanje klasa koje ne posjeduju. Ovaj zadatak je osnovni razlog njenog postojanja. Njeni vanjski oblici su se promijenili u pravcu njenog povijesnog razvoja, ali njene funkcije su zauvijek ostale iste. One su se čak i širile u onoj mjeri u kojoj su oni koji su je podržavali uspjeli neka polja društvene aktivnosti podrediti svojim interesima. I baš kao što se i funkcije fizičkog organa ne mogu proizvoljno mijenjati, tako da npr. čovjek može po želji čuti očima ili gledati ušima, tako se ne može po želji ni organ društvenog ugnjetavanja pretvoriti u instrument za oslobođenje ugnjetavanih.

Anarhizam nije patentno rješenje za sve ljudske probleme, niti utopija savršenog društvenog poretka (kako se često nazivao), jer, u principu odbacije sve apsolutne sheme i koncepte. On ne vjeruje ni u jednu apsolutnu istinu, niti bilo koje određene konačne ciljeve za ljudski razvoj, već u stalno poboljšanje društvenih modela i životnih uvjeta ljudi, koji uvijek teže višim oblicima izražavanja, i kojima – iz tog razloga – ne možemo propisati bilo kakav određeni kraj ili postaviti fiksirani cilj. Najveće zlo bilo kojeg oblika vlasti je upravo to što uvijek pokušava bogatu raznovrsnost društvenog života ugurati u konačne oblike i prilagoditi ih određenim normama. Što se jačima osjećaju njezini zagovornici, to potpunije uspijevaju da svako polje društvenog života svedu pod svoje; to više njihov utjecaj sputava djelovanje svih kreativnih kulturnih sila, to on više utječe na intelekutalni i društveni razvoj sile i opakog obilježja našeg vremena, jer sa zastrašujućom jasnoćom pokazuje do kakve se čudovišnosti može razviti Hobbesov Levijatan. To je potpuni trijumf političke mašine nad umom i tijelom, racionalizacije ljudskih misli, osjećanja i ponašanja u skladu s uspostavljenim službenim pravilima i, stoga – kraj prave intelektualne kulture.

Anarhizam priznaje samo relativni značaj ideja, institucija, i društvenih uvjeta. On, dakle, nije nepromjenjiv samoograđeni društveni sistem, već prije određeni trend u povijesnom razvoju čovječanstva koji, suprotno intelektualnom tutorstvu svih klerikalnih i državnih institucija, stremi slobodnom neometanom razvoju svih individualnih i društvenih snaga u životu. Čak je i sloboda samo relativan, a ne apsolutni koncept, pošto teži da konstantno širi svoj prostor i da pravi šire krugove na raznovrsne načine. Za anarhiste, sloboda nije apstraktni filozofski koncept, već vitalna konkretna mogućnost za svako ljudsko biće da dođe do punog razvoja svih kapaciteta i talenata koje mu je priroda podarila, i okrene ih društvenom dobru. Što se u ovaj prirodni razvoj čovjeka manje miješaju crkveni ili politički tutori, ljudska ličnost će postajati efikasnija i harmoničnija, u većoj mjeri će postati mjera intelektualne kulture društva iz kojeg se razvijala. Ovo je razlog iz kojeg su svi veliki kulturni periodi u povijesti bili periodi političke slabosti, jer su politički sustavi uvijek zasnovani na mehaniziranju, a ne na organskom razvoju društvenih sila. Država i kultura su nepomirljivi protivnici. Nietzsche, koji nije bio anarhist, ovo je veoma jasno prepoznao kada je napisao: „Konačno, nitko ne može potrošiti više nego što ima. To vrijedi i za individue, i za narod. Ako netko utroši sebe zbog moći, zbog više politike, supružništva, trgovine, parlamentarizma, vojnih interesa – ako se netko isto toliko troši na razum, ozbiljnost, volju, samorazvoj koji određuje nečije pravo sebstvo za jednu stvar – neće imati snage za druge stvari. Kultura i država su – neka nitko ne sumnja u to – antagonističke: Kulturna država je samo jedna moderna ideja. Jedno živi od drugog, jedno se razvija na uštrb drugog. Svi veliki kulturni periodi su periodi političkog propadanja. Sve što je u kulturnom smislu vrijedno nepolitičko je, čak antipolitičko“.

Tamo gdje je utjecaj političke vlasti na kreativne sile u društvu sveden na minimum, tu kultura najbolje cvjeta, dok politička vladavina uvijek teži jednolikosti i pokušava podčiniti svaki aspekt društvenog života svom tutorstvu. Zato se nalazi u neizbježnoj proturiječnosti s kreativnim aspiracijama kulturnog razvoja, koji je uvijek u potrazi za novim oblicima društvene aktivnosti, i za koje su sloboda izražavanja, višestranost i stalna promjena stvari životno potrebne onoliko koliko i rigidne forme, mrtva pravila, i nasilno potisikvanje ideja za očuvanje političke vlasti. Svaki uspješan rad potiče na veću perfekciju i dublju inspiraciju; svaki novi oblik postaje vjesnik novih mogućnosti za razvoj. Ali vlast uvijek pokušava zadržati stvari onakvima kakve jesu, sigurno usidrenim za stereotipe. To je bio razlog svih revolucija tijekom povijesti. Vlast djeluje samo destruktivno, uvijek sklona da prisili svaku manifestaciju društvenog života u luđačku košulju svojih pravila. Njen intelektualni izraz je mrtva dogma, njen fizički oblik brutalna sila. A ta neinteligencija njenih ciljeva udara pečat i na njene predstavnike i čini ih, često, glupim i brutalnim, čak i kada su, na početku, obdareni najboljim talentima. Onaj tko stalno stremi da sve potiskuje u mehanički poredak na kraju i sam postaje stroj i gubi sve ljudske osjećaje.

Suvremeni anarhizam se rodio iz takvog shvaćanja i iz njega crpi svoju moralnu snagu. Samo sloboda može inspirirati čovjeka na velika djela i donijeti intelektualnu i društvenu transformaciju. Umjetnost vladanja ljudima nikad nije bila umjetnost podučavanja i inspiriranja na novo oblikovanje njihovih života. Turobna prinuda pod svojim zapovjedništvom ima samo beživotno svrdlo, koje guši svaku vitalnu inicijativu po njenom rođenju, i rađa samo podanike, a ne slobodne ljude. Sloboda je sama esencija života, sila koja tjera na intelektualni i društveni razvoj, stvaralac svake nove perspektive za budućnost čovječanstva. Oslobođenje čovjeka od ekonomske eksploatacije i od intelektualnog, društvenog i političkog ugnjetavanja – koje svoj najviši izraz pronalazi u filozofiji anarhizma, prvi je preduvjet razvoja više društvene kulture i novog čovječanstva.

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