Reforma je moguća a reformizam je zajamčen

Prošle je jeseni kanadski magazin Adbusters Occupy Wall Streetu uputio poziv na akciju u znak podrške tzv. Robin Hood poreza, koji bi „usporio jedan dio od tih 1.3 bilijuna dolara lakog novca koji se svakog dana okreće u globalnom kasinu – dovoljno gotovine za financiranje svakog socijalnog programa i inicijative za zaštitu okoliša na svijetu.“ Blago rečeno, nisam uzbuđen oko ovog prijedloga, no spominjem ga zato što ću se pozabaviti pitanjem kojeg je Juan Conatz nedavno postavio: je li moguća reforma u današnjem kapitalizmu? U svom tekstu Juan iznosi neke argumente ljudi s ljevice koji tvrde da su reforme nemoguće. Trebali biste pročitati njegov članak. On me potaknuo da konačno uzmem bilješke koje sam akumulirao i spojim ih u ovaj tekst.  

U razgovorima o Occupy Wall Streetu u više navrata ušao sam u prepirke s nekim prijateljima i drugovima. Ne mislim da mogu dokazati da su reforme moguće – jedino bi stvaran početak reformi demonstrirao njihovu mogućnost na uvjerljiv način. Ipak, tvrdit ću da su reforme moguće, jer mislim da su moguće. Ako sam u pravu, tada ako djelujemo pod pretpostavkom da su reforme nemoguće, bit ćemo nepripremljeni ako se reforme stvarno i dogode. Također želim dodati da svaki argument o nemogućnosti reforme po mom mišljenju mora uzeti u obzir da reforme nisu samo redistributivne na humanitaran način – Bushevi porezni rezovi bili su reforma, samo što je to bila reforma koja je produbila nejednakost, poput mjera štednje vezanih uz dogovor o limitu duga. Pentagon je nedavno dobio dodatnih 50 milijardi dolara, tako da mi se čini da je novac dostupan za političke prioritete. Reforme se već događaju, samo su vezane za različitu klijentelu i političke prioritete. Čini mi se da argument o strukturnoj nemogućnosti reforme ovo previđa.

Većina mojih najbližih političkih prijatelja i ja dovoljno smo mladi da smo većinu života proveli u periodu relativnog poraza i povlačenja radničke klase – perioda relativno niske razine i intenziteta borbe. Imamo više iskustva s borbama na radnim mjestima koje su vrlo malene i umjerene u veličini, relativno prema veličini radničke klase kao cjeline. Iako nisam lenjinist, mislim da Lenjin ima korisnu formulaciju, jednom je rekao da „politika počinje s milijunima muškaraca i žena; ne s tisućama, već milijunima“. Ne znam da li bih rekao da je sve manje od milijun ljudi predpolitičko, no važna je poanta da su zaista masivne borbe mnogo veće od ičega što je većina nas iskusila. U trenutnom razdoblju to bi se moglo promijeniti i moglo bi se dogoditi da vidimo politiku na razini koju je opisao Lenjin. U tom slučaju, razina politike neće nužno biti subjektivno revolucionarna. Velik dio bit će, barem u početku, reformističkog karaktera. Vidjet ćemo porast zahtjeva za reformom – vidjet ćemo više reformizma. Već sad to vidimo. To je li reforma moguća ili nije oblikovati će naš odgovor reformistima. Ako je reforma nemoguća, tada kapitalistički sustav ima manje opcija na raspologanju za odgovor na masovni pokret radničke klase.

Bit ću iskren, na nekoj razini smatram ideju da je reforma nemoguća uvjerljivom. Ako je reforma nemoguća, tada možemo argumentirati protiv reformista ukazujući na nemogućnost njihovih projekata. Recimo da više nema prostora za manevriranje. U tom slučaju, realan  ispravak sustava objektivno više nije moguć, nalazimo se u posljednjoj fazi tako da su opcije produljenje roka sustava i odgađanje sloma, degradacija u barbarskije i autoritativnije oblike, ili prekid koji vodi prema istinski različitom i boljem društvu. Ako je to slučaj, tada su razmišljanja usmjerena na moguće korekcije smjera i pro-sistemske reforme samo gubitak vremena. Ako je reforma nemoguća, tada ne moramo uvjeravati u korist komunizma spram reformiranog kapitalizma. Ako je reforma nemoguća, tada smo možda bliže komunističkom društvu. Ako su reforme nemoguće, to također znači da reformističke snage nikada ne mogu zaista pobijediti. Ako reformisti osvoje (ili zadrže) dominantne pozicije u socijalnim pokretima i u idejama, najgore što mogu učiniti jest privremeno odvlačenje radničke klase od revolucionarnih zadataka, no ne mogu zaista ostvariti reforme. I mi komunisti ćemo još uvijek biti tamo kad se reforme ne materijaliziraju. S druge strane, ako su popravci mogući i mi pretpostavimo da nisu, bit ćemo nepripremljeni kad se dogode i reformisti će biti u boljoj poziciji.

Ključno pitanje jest jesmo li dotaknuli objektivne sistemske limite koji diktriraju kapitalističke odgovore. Po mom viđenju, sadašnji trenutak je politički i više se radi o prioritetima i odlukama, nego o izravnom diktatu ekonomskih mogućnosti. Uopće, mislim da mi se argumenti poput „ekonomski uvjeti znače da globalne elite ne mogu učiniti XYZ“ čine pogrešnima dijelom zbog prenaglašavanja strukturnih imperativa, a dijelom zbog zanemarivanja ideologije i politike elita. Kao analogija, jednom sam čuo o sindikatu koji je u ranim 2000-tima organizirao borbu u ustanovi za osobe s poremećajima u razvoju. Bila je to privatizirana ustanova koja je još bila ovisna o visini državnih potpora, koje su rezane ili su stagnirale. U pregovorima oko ugovora, prema financijskim podacima koje su predali šefovi, oni si iskreno nisu mogli priuštiti povećanja koja je sindikat htio dobiti pregovorima, nisu mogli dati toliku količinu dolara toliko velikom broju ljudi. Stoga je sindikat lobirao kao lud da dobije nadoknadu zdravstvenih troškova domovima za nemoćne u toj državi. Uspjeli su i zatim su se borili da šefovi zaista provedu povećanja. To je bio slučaj gdje je poslodavac došao do stvarnih limita u smislu profitabilnosti i jednostavno nije mogao dati smislen ustupak. Ne mislim da se nalazimo u trenutku u kojem je kapitalistički sustav kao cjelina došao do takvog limita u kojem smislene reforme nisu moguće.

Prije nego što nastavim, moram istaknuti da pod „reformom“ mislim na dvije stvari koje su samo djelomično povezane. Ono što je iz komunističke perspektive zaista važno po pitanju reformi, jest da li reforme na neki način podupiru kapitalizam, čineći ga stabilnijim i profitabilnijim, ili otupljujući ili prevenirajući borbu radničke klase. Ekonomski, provođenje reformi košta. Osim od prirode ili eksproprijacije, svo bogatsvo dolazi od radnika, no kapitalisti polažu pravo na to bogatstvo. Tako troškovi reforme moraju doći odnekud i često zahtijevaju od kapitalista da se odreknu dijela bogatstva za kojeg tvrde da im pripada. Istodobno, reforme se mogu pokazati profitabilnima unatoč početnim troškovima. Reforme ne moraju biti ekonomske u užem smislu. Reforme mogu uključivati proširenje prava ili prestanak represije. Amnesty International nabraja brojna kršenja ljudskih prava u Sjedinjenim Državama koja bi se mogla eliminirati uključujući policijsku represiju i smrtnu kaznu. Između 2003. i 2006., zadnje godine o kojima mogu naći informacije, policija je u SAD-u ubila 1553 osobe. Takva ubijanja mogla bi se smanjiti ili eliminirati reformom (to bi također smanjilo iskre koje pokreću nerede; dok sama policijska brutalnost rijetko pokreće nerede, često je važan katalizator; za više informacija o nekim važnijim neredima u povijesti SAD-a vidi ovaj članak). Reforma imigracijske politike je također moguća. Doista, imigracijska reforma se trenutno događa u SAD-u – SAD se stvarno agresivno okomljuje na imigrante, povećavajući broj deportacija. Te se deportacije ne moraju događati i mogu se prekinuti.

Nemogućnost reformi?

Nisam siguran razumijem li argumente iza tvrdnje da su reforme nemoguće. Sadašnja kapitalistička klasa i vlast, barem u SAD-u, čine mi se više u raspoloženju za izbacivanje ljudi na ulicu nego što su raspoloženi za ustupke. Takvi su već neko vrijeme. Ako radnička klasa krene u ofenzivu, to se može promijeniti. Postoje glasovi među kapitalistima i njihovim ideolozima koji su pozvali na reformu. Na primjer, milijarder Warren Buffet pozvao je na veće oporezivanje bogatih, a dobitnik Nobelove nagrade Paul Krugman, koji nije radikal, već neko vrijeme piše u New York Timesu o reformama koje bi pomogle kapitalizmu. Čini se da su ti glasovi utopljeni u većini kapitalističkih i pro-kapitalističkih glasova, no to ne značni da je reforma trenutno sistemski nemoguća. U jednom trenutku, većina kapitalista – sigurno većina američkih kapitalista i većina najviše rangiranog osoblja američke vlade – ideološki su bili bijeli rasisti. To se promijenilo. Kapitalisti mogu mijenjati mišljenje i odlučiti drugačije voditi kapitalizam. Oni to ne rade u vakuumu, naravno; to se događa kad snage unutar kapitalističke klase uvjere druge kapitaliste da im je promjena u interesu. Masovna borba je vrlo važan faktor u oblikovanju kapitalističkog viđenja vlastitih interesa i u odvijanju unutarnje politike kapitalističke klase. U svakom slučaju, mislim da u trenutnom rasporedu snaga reforma nije vjerojatna, no to ne znači da je reforma strukturno nemoguća. Nalazimo se u nestabilnom trenutku i položaj kapitalista može se promijeniti ako se dogodi velika ofenziva radničke klase.

Zapravo, položaj kapitalista se već mijenja – barem u SAD-u svjedočimo povećanju represije i inovacija u tehnikama i tehnologijama represije. Pretpostavljam da se isto događa i u ostatku svijeta. U proljeće 2011. najmanje je jedan američki političar govorio o korištenju smrtonosne sile protiv prosvjednika. Izgubio je posao zbog toga,  no i to se može promijeniti – oni mogu postati sve ležerniji u intenziviranju represije, uključivo i ležernost u uporabi smrtonosne sile. Takva pozicija imat će svoje zastupnike, iako malo javno eskponiranih. Također će biti i zagovornika reforme. Neki ljudi na ljevici pretpostavljaju da je represija nad Occupy Wall Streetom radikalizirala još više ljudi i produžila trajanje Occupya. Ako je to točno, neki među kapitalistima i njihovim pomoćnim osobljem to će shvatiti i početi predlagati alternativne pravce djelovanja (valja primjetiti da je policija u Albanyu odbila ukloniti Occupy Albany, no nisu odbili govoreći „ova naredba je pogrešna“, odbili su rekavši „mi smo eksperti u nadzoru, a ne političari“, što hoće reći da je „ne diraj“ odgovor na Occupy bolja strategija nadzora). Koji glasovi će prevladati na drugoj strani neće biti određeno jednostavno i isključivo objektivnim, prethodno postojećim ekonomskim događajima i faktorima. To će biti rezultat političkog djelovanja među kapitalistima i njihovim snagama, kao i rezultat akcija radničke klase.

Sada bih se pozabavio dvama argumentima na koje sam nailazio a koji govore da je reforma nemoguća. U jednom trenutku jedan moj dobar prijatelj sugerirao je da je globalna ekonomija u padu koji se poklapa s uzorkom nečega što neki ekonomisti zovu Kondratijevljevim valovima – što znači pravilne periode ekonomskog pada ili krize – i to znači da je reforma nemoguća. Ideja je u tome da nema dostupnih resursa kojima kapitalisti i vlade mogu platiti reforme jer se nalazimo u jednom od tih ponavljajućih udolina, udolina u Kondratijevljevom valu. Ovaj argument mi nema smisla. Ako ništa, stanje udoline čini reforme više, a ne manje vjerojatnima. 

Sjedinjene Države nalazile su se u jednoj od tih udolina oko 1890. ili 1900. godine. To su bila razdoblja intenziviranja socijalnih reformi, uključujući regulaciju sigurnosti hrane, „zaštitnu“ legislative o ženama radnicama i osiguranju radnika. Velika Britanija nalazila se na dnu udubljenja 1841. U 1840-ima u Velikoj Britaniji dogodile su se velike promjene u zakonu o radu/zapošljavanju. Marx tvrdi da je to dalo podstrek ekonomiji. Ne znam je li to točno no citira buržoaske ekonomiste svog vremena kako bi to podupro, tako da se čini da je to bilo prevladavajuće mišljenje među tadašnjim ekonomistima. Prema istoj poveznici Velika se Britanija ponovo nalazila na dnu udoline 1893. godine. 1897. uvedeno je radničko osiguranje (imajte na umu da su reforme u to vrijeme obično uključivale komisije koje su ih proučavale nekoliko godina itd; tako da impuls prema reformama datira od trenutka blizu ili malo prije točke ekonomskog dna).

Godine 1900. i 1950. poklapaju se s ekonomskim vrhuncima. 1930-te godine padaju negdje u dolinu između tih visokih točaka. Mogu govoriti jedino o SAD-u, no ovdje su 1930-te donijele Nacionalni zakon o radnim odnosima, Zakon o standardima poštenog rada i Zakon o socijalnom osiguranju. Tako da ne vidim na koji način stanje velikog ekonomskog pada, u dolini Kondratijevljevog vala, znači limitiranu mogućnost socijalne reforme. Politički planeri 1930-ih sigurno su mislili da je aktivno uključivanje države preko socijalne reforme način da se pomogne uspon iz doline. 

Početkom 20. stoljeća dogodile su se velike promjene u američkim poreznim stopama. 1913. najveća stopa poreza na dohodak u SAD-u bila je 6%. Do 1918. najveća stopa bila je 72%. Do 1926. vraćena je na 25% gdje je ostala do 1930. 1942. iznosila je 88%. Promjene u oporezivanju vrsta su reforme. U osnovi svi porezi uključuju zahtjeve o tome kuda će bogatstvo ići – bogatstvo koje dolazi od rada kojeg obavljaju radnici, od eksploatacije. Niži porezi usmjeravaju više bogatstva u ruke individualnih kapitalista. Veći porezi usmjeravaju više bogatstva pod kontrolu kapitalističke države. Ako se to bogatstvo zatim redistributira, tada radnička klasa dobiva nešto veći udio ukupnog bogatstva koje dolazi od naše prisiljenosti na rad. U svakom slučaju, u SAD-u je 1930-ih bilo velikih promjena u razini oporezivanja.  

Druga vrsta argumenata na koju sam naišao govori o padajućoj profitnoj stopi. Ovo je za mene teže pitanje jer moram priznati da nisam sasvim upućen u materijale koji govore o padajućoj profitnoj stopi. Iskreno, nastojao sam ih izbjeći iz nekoliko razloga. Stoga se ovdje nalazim u nepovoljnom položaju, no povremeno sam imao priliku čuti da se taj argument iznosi na sljedeći način: u kapitalizmu postoji tendencija pada profitne stope zbog zamjene radnika sa strojevima. Kapitalistički profiti generalno dolaze od vremena koje radnici provode radeći, u kojem oni proizvode nešto što kapitalist prodaje. Profit dolazi od razlike između troškova proizvodnje i prodajne cijene a srce te razlike jest rad koji obavlja radnik. Marx to naziva viškom vrijednosti. Pokušao sam to izložiti u tekstu kojeg sam nazvao „Želite li zaista srušiti kapitalizam?“ i ponovno u postu ovdje na libcomu nazvanom „Radnici, država i borba“. U drugom tekstu pokušao sam dati vizualni pregled osnova u terminima Marxovog djela. Kako bilo, višak dolazi od radnika. To znači da kada kapitalisti zamijene radnike sa strojevima, smanjuju izvor svojih profita. Sve to čini mi se točno. No to ne znači da je reforma nemoguća.

Tvrdnja da postoji trend pada profitne stope znači da kapitalisti s vremenom dobivaju niži postotak povrata svojih investicija. To ne znači da će dobiti manje bogatstva, već da će se njihovo bogatstvo povećati za manji postotak. Profitna stopa morala bi pasti na nulu da bi „sve će se urušiti pod vlastitom težinom“ tip argumenata bio točan. Čak i tada bi još uvijek bilo moguće uništiti dosta kapitala kako bi se stvorio novi prostor za rast. Uzevši u obzir učestalost ratova, čini se da su političke i ekonomske elite relativno u redu s tom vrstom rješenja. 

Zamislimo malo poduzeće bez mnogo mašinerije. Poduzeće troši 300 000$ i stvara profit od 100 000$ godišnje. To je profitna stopa od 33% u jednoj godini. Sada zamislimo veće poduzeće koje troši 300 milijuna dolara i stvara profit od 3 milijuna dolara. To je profitna stopa od samo 1% u jednoj godini. No to je još uvijek mnogo veća realna količina bogatstva – veliko poduzeće stvorilo je deset puta više apsolutnog profita nego manje poduzeće. Što god drugo bi se o tome moglo reći, tendencija pada profitne stope nije ista stvar kao i tendencija kapitalista da zaista ostanu bez bogatstva. Ako se stvaraju profiti, tada postoji višak vrijednosti koji se uzima od radnika i nešto od tog viška moglo bi se usmjeriti izravno radnicima kao neka vrsta reforme. Drukčije rečeno – represija je skupa. Ako si oni mogu priušiti represiju, mogu si priuštiti i reformu. Niže procjene za Oakland govore da je grad [na represiju] potrošio gotovo 2 i pol milijuna dolara. Barem nešto od toga moglo se utrošiti na drugi način.

Neke mogućnosti reforme

Nedavni članak u časopisu Mother Jones tvrdio je da je u SAD-u došlo do ogromnog ubrzanja, tako da „Amerikanci godišnje rade 122 sata više nego Britanci i 378 sati (gotovo 10 tjedana) više nego Nijemci“. Članak naglašava (neiznenađujuće za čitatelje LibComa) da je to praćeno povećanjem dohotka vrlo bogatih, te visokih profita za kapitaliste. Ništa od toga nije veliko otkriće, no mislim da postavlja izazov pred gledište da je reforma strukturalno nemoguća. Čini mi se da postoji novac za reformu. Nisam jedini koji to misli. Milijarder Warren Buffet više je puta bio glavna vijest govoreći kako plaća premale poreze.   

Matias Vernengo tvrdi, iako ne toliko opširno, da se u trenutnoj politici, barem u SAD-u, radi o tome gdje bogatstvo ide među kapitalistima. To jest, u sadašnjem trenutku društvena nejednakost i polarizacija bogatstva ubrzano su povećane na načine koji su rezultat ekonomske politike i dispozicije kapitalista. Lijevo krilo kapitala počelo je tvrditi da je to poprimilo destabilizirajuće razmjere. Prema Vernengu kao i Buffetu, porezna politika trebala bi se promijeniti čime bi se financirala redistribucija. 

Neki pro-kapitalistički komentatori tvrde da je reforma ne samo moguća, već i potrebna kako bi se pomogao oporavak kapitalizma. Magazin The Economist piše:

Amerika se trenutno nalazi na putu prema najstrožem fiskalnom stezanju od svih velikih ekonomija u 2012, jer privremene porezne olakšice i osiguranje za nezaposlene istječu krajem godine. (…) Uza sve tirade protiv Europljana, američka ekonomija riskira guranje u recesiju zbog vlastite fiskalne politike – i zbog činjenice da su obje stranke više zainteresirane za vlastito pozicioniranje za izbore 2012. nego za postizanje kompromisa koji je potreban za odvraćanje od rizičnog smjera.“ Dean Baker u Guardianu tvrdi da su „korporativni profiti oštro narasli u 2009. i 2010. Profiti korporativnog sektora dosegnuli su nove rekorde, više od cijelog postotnog boda iznad prijašnjeg maksimuma. Financije su bile najveći dobitnik unutar korporativnog sektora s pripadnih 31,7% korporativnih profita, što je također rekordno visoko. (…) ekonomija je potonula još i brže nego što se prethodno mislilo u dva kvartala nakon kolapsa Lehman Brothersa. No potonuće je prestalo u drugom kvartalu 2009 – baš kada je stimulans stupio na snagu. Ovo je bilo praćeno respektabilnim rastom kroz sljedeća četiri kvartala. Rast je zatim ponovno oslabio nakon što je utjecaj stimulansa počeo slabjeti krajem 2010. Drugim riječima, uzorak rasta prema revidiranim podacima zasigurno pokazuje da je stimulans djelovao. Čini se da je glavni problem bio u tome da stimulans nije bio dovoljno velik i nije ostavljen da djeluje dovoljno dugo da podigne ekonomiju barem blizu potencijalne snage.“

Pišući o dogovoru o limitu duga i prepiranju oko američkog deficita, ekonomist James Galbraith piše da su mjere štednje redistribucija bogatstva – u smjeru prema gore. „Pravi koraci bili bi snižavanje – ne povećanje – dobne granice za umirovljenje, dajući mogućnost nekoliko godina starijim radnicima trajan izlazak iz radne snage pod boljim uvjetima nego što su im dostupni danas. Zajedno sa snižavanjem dobi potrebne za pristup Medicare-u (državno zdravstveno osiguranje u SAD-u za starije od 65 godina, op.prev.), to bi brzo rebalansiralo radnu snagu, smanjujući nezaposlenost i uzaludno traženje posla među starijim radnicima te povećavajući mogućnosti zaposlenja za mlade. To je primjena običnog zdravog razuma. I za razliku od svih pritisaka za primjenu dugoročnih rezova u ovim programima, to bi izravno pomoglo riješiti jedan od najvećih problema današnjice.“ Galbraith drugdje piše o socijalnoj pomoći: „financijska kriza ostavila je zemlju s 11 milijuna poslova manje nego što je Amerikancima sada potrebno. Bez obzira na agresivnost politike, u skorije vrijeme nećemo pronaći 11 milijuna novih poslova. Zdrav razum sugerira da trebamo donijeti neke odluke o tome tko je prvi izbor: stariji radnici, koji su već odradili tri ili četiri desetljeća na teškim poslovima? Ili mlađi ljudi, od kojih su mnogi tek izašli iz škole, sa svježim vještinama i ambicijama? Odgovor je očit. Stariji ljudi koji bi se voljeli umiroviti i to bi učinili ako bi si to mogli priuštiti, trebali bi dobiti pomoć. Pravi korak jest snižavanje, a ne povećanje dobne granice za punu mirovinu. Zašto ne bi uveli trogodišnje razdoblje tijekom kojeg bi se dob za ostvarivanje punih prava socijalnog osiguranja smanjila na 62 godine – pružajući dobrovoljni, jednokratni bonus za napuštanje posla? Pustimo ih kućama! Sa sigurnom mirovinom i zdravstvenom skrbi, bit će sretniji. Mladi ljudi koji trebaju posao bit će sretniji. I bit će više poslova. Sa sigurnom mirovinom, stariji ljudi trošit će usluge do kraja života.“  

Dobitnik Nobelove nagrade za ekonomiju Paul Krugman, pišući o dogovoru o limitu deficita koji je postignut u američkom Kongresu u ljeto 2011, tvrdi: „Trenutno imamo ekonomiju u dubokoj depresiji. Gotovo sigurno ćemo imati ekonomiju u depresiji čitavu iduću godinu. I vjerojatno ćemo imati ekonomiju u depresiji i 2013. ako ne i nakon toga. Najgora stvar koja se može učiniti u tim okolnostima jest rezanje državne potrošnje jer će to dodatno pritisnuti ekonomiju. Ne obraćajte pažnju na one koji prizivaju bajku o povjerenju, tvrdeći da će oštra akcija na proračunu vratiti povjerenje kompanija i potrošača nakon čega će oni više trošiti. Stvari ne funkcioniraju na taj način, što je činjenica potvrđena brojnim studijama povijesnih podataka. Zaista, rezanje potrošnje dok je ekonomija u depresiji neće mnogo pomoći situaciji s proračunom i mogla bi je čak i pogoršati. S jedne strane, federalne kamatne stope trenutno su vrlo niske, tako da će rezanje potrošnje učiniti malo na smanjenju budućih kamatnih troškova. S druge strane, sadašnje slabljenje ekonomije također će naštetiti njezinim dugoročnim izgledima, što će smanjiti buduće dohotke. Oni koji sada zahtijevaju rezanje potrošnje su poput srednjovjekovnih doktora koji su liječili bolesne puštanjem krvi i tako ih činili još bolesnijima.“ 

Argumenti poput gore iznesenih za sada predstavljaju manjinu među kapitalistima i njihovim vladama, no njihovo se ostvarenje razmatra. Ako je reforma nemoguća, ne trebamo mnogo misliti ni o čemu od toga. Ako socijalni pokreti nastave rasti, susret ćemo se s argumentima da je odgovor represija, a ne reforma. Mislim da će ishod rasprava među kapitalistima biti politički. Odgovor neće biti neminovan i neće biti određen ekonomijom u uskom i mehaničkom smislu, što će reći da ne mislim da smo došli do objektivnih limita kapitalizma, takvih da kapitalisti nemaju drugih opcija osim nastavka s onim što sada rade, ili povećanja represije. Mogu odabrati bilo koju od tih pozicija, no nijedna nije neizbježna i nije stvar jednostavnih ekonomskih zahtjeva. Što god se dogodi, dijelom će biti rezultat toga kako kapitalisti odgovaraju na borbu radničke klase. Kapitalistički odgovor bit će oblikovan dispozicijom kapitalističke klase – kako ona vidi samu sebe, kako vidi svijet, u što vjeruje, tko je hegemon unutar nje. To je politika, a ne objektivna nužnost.

Završne misli o mogućnosti reforme

U bliskoj budućnosti vjerojatno nećemo doživjeti da vidimo kako netko dijeli velike ustupke narodu. No ako se stvari stvarno počnu kretati, a uzevši u obzir trenutne događaje čini se da idemo u tom smjeru, postoji mogućnost reformističkog zaokreta ljudi na vlasti, kako bi se pokušali oporaviti. Mislim da je to važno za ono što bi trebali očekivati u kasnijoj rundi. Slažem se da reforma nije u igri u bližoj budućnosti, već štednja. Ovo je prva runda. Također u ovoj rundi: veliki i vjerojatno rastući socijalni pokreti. Trenutno država odgovara represijom ili ignoriranjem Occupya. Ako reforma i kompromis nisu mogući, tada su jedine opcije u budućim rundama koraci prema socijalizmu ili prema barbarstvu – veliki društveni proboj ili velika represija, vjerojatno smjesa i jednog i drugog – no ako je reforma moguća tada je pristuna i treća opcija. Ono što hoću reći jest da ako se stvari stvarno zakotrljaju, prioriteti vladajuće klase u odnosu na distribuciju viška vrijednosti mogu se promijeniti. Čini se da neki ljudi misle da jednostavno nema dovoljno viška vrijednosti koji bi se mogao redistributirati na politički izvediv način. Ja pak mislim da je takav odgovor moguć ako se promijene prioriteti vladajuće klase.

Općenito smatram da je za reformu apsolutni životni standard manje važan od osiguravanja lojalnosti, ili možda čak oblikovanja forme koju otpor i socijalna trvenja poprimaju. Ako reforma nije moguća, tada na ovo ne trebamo trošiti vrijeme. Ako je reforma moguća, tada moramo biti spremni odgovoriti na te poteze. Jasno je da trenutno nemamo posla s kapitalistima i vladarima koji imaju potrebu biti pomirljivi i oporavljati se, no to se razlikuje od stava „reforma je nemoguća“. Ako će pokreti rasti i postajati sve borbeniji i radikalniji, kapitalisti će razviti potrebu koja će se moći zadovoljiti reformom. Ako to ne mogu učiniti, tada se nalazimo u različitoj situaciji nego ako su za to sposobni. Nekoliko je mojih poznanika reklo da nećemo vidjeti značajne reforme bez masovnog ustanka radničke klase. Slažem se. No pravo pitanje jest što će se dogoditi nakon tih masovnih ustanaka? Reforme će biti način kojim će sustav nastojati kompenzirati, privremeno smanjiti pritisak odozdo i na neki način stratificirati klase, kako bi se razbilo klasni sastav koji je pokrenuo ustanke. 

Čini mi se da reforme imaju najmanje tri funkcije. Prva je podmazivanje zupčanika kapitalističkog mehanizma – pružanje kredita kompanijama da mogu kupovati stvari kako bi proizvodile stvari, kako bi prodavale stvari itd., s ciljem izbjegavanja problema u koje kapitalisti upadaju, a koji nisu izravni/kratkoročni proizvod radničkih borbi. Drugi je prevencija, ili smirivanje društvenih nemira koji se tiču pojednih društvenih skupina – ne svih, već samo dovoljnog broja ljudi kako zapaljiva društvena smjesa ne bi prejako zakuhala (jedna od najzanimljivijih stvari koja je proizašla iz izdajnik rase tipa analiza jest da su privilegije povezane s bijelom bojom kože na taj način analogne socijaldemokraciji). Vidjeli smo naznake te mogućnosti u borbama u Wisconsinu prošle godine, u akcijama parlamentarne militantnosti (svakako, vrlo usko viđenje „militantnosti“) Demokrata koji su srušili legislativni kvorum i za mnoge postali nešto poput narodnih heroja, kao i u tome do kojeg stupnja mobilizacije nisu pronašle način da se pomaknu dalje od interesa sindikalno organiziranih radnika u javnom sektoru. Zakonski opoziv samo je još jedna verzija toga.   

Treća funkcija reforme jest upravljanje kapitalističkom klasom u interesu sistemske stabilnosti. To jest, reforme su način širenja kapitalističke klasne svijesti. Iako svaki kapitalist posjeduje jasnu šefovsku svijest u odnosu spram svojih podređenih unutar poduzeća, nema garancije da će biti klasno osviješten kao kapitalist – različite jadikovke ispisane u srednjostrujaškom tisku o direktorima koji uzmu novce i pobjegnu, zagađivačkim industrijama, načinu na koji osiguravajuće kompanije podižu troškove ostalim kompanijama i stvaraju sistemske pritiske u SAD-u, problemima s financijskim kapitalistima, sve to na neki način predstavlja individualne kapitaliste ili podskupine kapitalista koji ne razmišljaju/djeluju primarno u skladu s dugoročnim interesima kapitalističke klase i stabilnosti kapitalističkog sustava.   

Mislim da je kratkoročno vrlo nevjerojatno, no svakako moguće da se dogodi snažan zaokret prema regulaciji itd., ako se promijene kapitalističke političke snage. To će ovisiti o promjenama politike unutar kapitalističke klase. Trenutno postoji snažan pritisak na desno i to je zabrinjavajuće, no već sad postoje naznake lijevog pritiska od strane reformista. Lijevi pritisak je raspršen, često nesposoban i možda neće ničemu poslužiti, no ne znamo sa sigurnošću da neće. Nije sistemski nemoguć (ne isključuju ga struktutne sile velikih dimenzija poput profitne stope), iako je trenutni smjer povijesti suprotan (trenutna ravnoteža snaga različitih skupina i široko rasprostranjenih ideologija). Ako se reformistički zalet dogodi i zahukta, uključivat će nove oblike upravljanja kapitalizmom. Jedno ishodište toga je zeleni kapitalizam, usko povezan s tehnološkim istraživanjima i novim oblicima proizvodnje. Na manjoj skali, Zakon o slobodnom izboru zaposlenika manji je oblik toga – revidirajući uvjete upravljanja ponašanjem poslodavaca, kako bi se radnicima omogućilo da budu jača protuteža koja će kapitalističku akumulaciju činiti uravnoteženijom.

Ne znam kako dokazati da u sustavu postoji dovoljno resursa dostupnih kapitalistima za stvaranje i osiguravanje novih oblika stabilnosti. Slutim da postoji samo zato što se okolo vrti strašno puno novca. Da bi se to učinilo, taj novac bi vjerojatno trebalo oduzeti nekima o njegovih vlasnika. Kapitalisti i kapitalistička klasa ponekad se ne ustručavaju naštetiti nekolicini drugih kapitalista, ako vjeruju da je to u dugoročnom interesu kapitalističkog sustava. Nacionalno osiguranje u SAD-u je jedan primjer toga, eksproprirat će velike komade finacijskog (osiguravajućeg) kapitala kako bi se provele reforme. Militantniji reformizam koji bi zaista preuzeo nešto resursa bio bi sposoban ići još i dalje. Ako bi se to dogodilo, bilo bi vatreno i žestoko, no ne nužno i revolucionarno. Evo što Marx kaže u 32. poglavlju prvog toma Kapitala: „jednom kada kapitalistički način proizvodnje stane na svoje noge (...) eksproprijacija privatnih posjednika poprima novi oblik. Onaj kojeg će se sad eksproprirati više nije radnik koji radi za sebe, već kapitalist koji eksploatira mnoge radnike. Ova eksploatacija postiže se djelovanjem zakona svojstvenih samoj kapitalističkoj proizvodnji, kroz centralizaciju proizvodnje. Jedan kapitalist uvijek ubija mnoge.“ Marx zatim predviđa da to vodi do kraja kapitalizma, no ne nužno, ili u najmanju ruku ne znamo tempo i trenutak kada će se to dogoditi tako da nam predviđanje malo znači. Svakako se čini da je kapitalizam potrajao duže nego što je Marx očekivao. Moja poanta ovdje jest da je još davno prepoznato kako eksproprijacija pojedinih specifičnih kapitalista ponekad može biti u interesu drugih kapitalista, ili u interesu kapitalističkog sustava u cjelini. Ako stvari postanu zaista zapaljive, vizionarski kapitalisti i kapitalistički političari razmotrit će masivnu socijalnu represiju nad radništvom, no također će razmotriti eksproprijaciju nekih kapitalista kako bi se oslobodili resursi za održavanje stabilnosti sustava.

Također bih preporučio ovaj članak skupine Aufheben. Pri kraju članka tvrde da je na takav tip problema najbolje odgovoriti velikom količinom empirijskih dokaza (premda bih ja još dodao da, pošto se ovdje radi o spekulativnim stvarima, nećemo pronaći empirijski „dokaz“ već prije vrlo uvjerljive i sofisticiranije i korisnije spekulacije). Također izražavaju „skepticizam prema neizbježnom shematizmu pristupa temeljenog na stadijima – gdje se pretpostavlja da je konkretni razvoj događaja opisan referiranjem na stadij razvoja kapitalizma kojem pripada“. To se odnosi na ono što vide kao teorijski pokušaj francuske skupine Theorie Communiste. Smatraju da Theorie Communiste predstavlja analizu povijesti i sadašnjosti koja bi, na teoretskoj razini, „trebala eliminirati svako prilagođavanje kapitalističke klase unutar sustava kapitalističke proizvodnje i učiniti revoluciju, u njenom pravom smislu kao komunizacije, nužnim klimaksom ovog ciklusa borbi.“ To je povezano s osnovnom poantom koju ovdje želim istaknuti – mislim da bismo trebali biti vrlo oprezni oko teoretskih perspektiva koje iznose snažne tvrdnje o uskom rasponu mogućnosti kapitalističke klase za manevriranje. Zaokreti i dramatične promjene svijesti također se mogu dogoditi i na drugoj strani klasne linije, da se tako izrazim, radnička klasa je hirovitija , međutim i kapitalisti mogu postati hiroviti i iznenada promijeniti svoju političku viziju i organizaciju.

Kao završni komentar, smatram da pronalaženje odgovora na pitanje je li reforma moguća ili ne, također znači pozabaviti s našom orijentacijom spram reformista. Komunisti smo i smatram da razlog zbog kojeg nismo reformisti nije to što je reforma nemoguća. Nismo reformisti jer je vrsta života kojeg želimo za sebe, naše voljene i čovječanstvo nemoguća unutar kapitalizma. Također bih htio skrenuti pažnju na neke stvari za čitanje koje bi mogle obogatiti konverzaciju o ovoj temi. Već sam spomenuo Juanovo djelo i Aufheben. Juan daje pregled dosta materijala u svom postu. Dotičem se dijela od ovoga u tekstu kojeg sam napisao pod naslovom „Radništvo, Država i Borba“. Mislim da je ovaj kratki Marxov uradak koristan, spomenuo sam ga u komentaru na Juanov post. Također smatram da je Aufhebenov trodijelni članak o dekadenciji supervažan i koristan za promišljanje. Vjerojatno bi također pomoglo proučavanje povijesti reformističkih pokreta i društvenih reformi u kapitalizmu.

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