Zdravi razum: apsolutna oskudica?
Zbog čega ljudi gladuju? Intuitivni odgovor na ovo pitanje jest zbog toga što nema dovoljno hrane. Ovo objašnjenje dolazi u dva oblika. Kronična se glad obično objašnjava maltuzijanskim argumentom da rast populacije neprestano nadmašuje proizvodnju hrane. Akutna glad obično se objašnjava u terminima „smanjenja dostupnosti hrane“ (eng. Food Availability Decline, FAD), poput podbacivanja uroda zbog suše.
Malthusov argument, na kojem se temelji reakcionarna ekologija Garreta Hardinga, jednostavan je. Malthus (1776-1834) je tvrdio kako populacija raste geometrijski (eksponencijalno), dok proizvodnja hrane raste aritmetički (linearno). Dakle, populacija će uvijek rasti brže nego opskrba hranom i kronična glad će uvijek biti prisutna. Malthus je bio politički motiviran, prvenstveno protivljenjem engleskim zakonima o siromašnima (eng. The English Poor Laws). Osim toga, Malthus je i jednostavno izmišljao. Geograf Danny Dorling piše: "Nije bio u krivu samo zbog manjka imaginacije, nego je i varao. Danas je poznato da je izmislio čak i korelaciju koju je koristio da dokaže kauzalnost."[i] Međutim, Malthusov se argument i dalje citira kao nešto samorazumljivo, i to kako u svakodnevnom razgovoru, tako i u znanstvenim radovima (premda stručnjaci nemaju nikakvog izgovora).[ii] "Da nije bilo Mathusa“, nastavlja Dorling, "našla bi se neka druga budala". Na sličnoj pretpostavci zasniva se i FAD pristup kojeg je srušio ekonomist Amartya Sen u svom vrlo utjecajnom eseju o siromaštvu i oskudicama hrane iz 1981. godine.
Sen je proučio nekoliko primjera razdoblja velike gladi i zaključio da FAD pristup ne može objasniti zbog čega su ljudi gladovali, kao ni tko je gladovao. Velika bengalska glad iz 1943. uzela je 1.5 milijuna života. No proizvodnja hrane bila je samo neznatno ispod prethodne godine te zapravo na višoj razini nego prijašnjih godina kada nije bilo gladi. Tijekom etiopske gladi 1972-74. također je došlo do jednoznamenkastog smanjenja u proizvodnji hrane, što je premalo da bi se objasnilo između 50 i 200 tisuća umrlih. Tijekom gladi u Bangladešu 1974. dostupnost hrane po glavi stanovnika zapravo je dosegla četverogodišnji maksimum. Tijekom velike sahelske gladi koja je kulminirala 1974. suša jest prouzročila značajno smanjenje dostupnosti hrane, no Sen je tvrdio kako ta činjenica sama po sebi ne može objasniti tko je gladovao i gdje.
Senov princip polaganja prava (entitlement) na hranu
Amartya Sen razvio je novu teoriju kako bi objasnio primjere velike gladi u terminima "polaganja prava na hranu". U monetarnoj ekonomiji novac vlasniku daje pravo na robu jednake cijene. Porast cijena hrane, smanjenje dohotka ili iscrpljivanje ušteđevine mogu dovesti do "ukidanja prava" i gladi, tj. do nemanja dovoljno novca za kupovinu dostatne količine hrane. No, razlog zbog kojeg Sen govori u terminima prava, a ne novca jest to što nisu sva prava na hranu monetarna. Napoličari ili sitni seljaci mogu polagati pravo na konzumaciju (dijela) vlastite proizvodnje, bez posredovanja tržišta. Pastoralni nomadi mogu na sličan način polagati pravo na hranu izvan monetarne ekonomije, kao što to mogu i primatelji bonova za hranu ili sličnih oblika socijalne pomoći.
"Ponekad se govori kako glad nije izazvana nedostatkom hrane, već nedostatkom dohotka i kupovne moći. To se može smatrati rudimentarnim pokušajem dopiranja do srži principa polaganja prava, pošto u tržišnoj ekonomiji dohodak osigurava pravo na hranu. Premda hrana u potpuno planskoj ekonomiji ili "ekonomiji oskudice" ne mora biti osigurana putem dohotka, već mogu postojati drugačiji sustavi raspodjele, perspektiva fokusirana na dohodak biti će relevatna u većini slučajeva u kojima je došlo do pojave velike gladi."[iii]
Važno je napomenuti kako Sen ne niječe činjenicu da smanjenje dostupnosti hrane može biti faktor u povećanju gladi. On samo tvrdi kako je ovo posredovano pravima, tj. društvenim odnosima. Ustvari, Sen tvrdi kako "izvoz hrane iz područja pogođenih glađu možemo smatrati prirodnom karakteristikom tržišta, koje daje prednost pravu nad potrebama."[iv] Stoga i geograf Mike Davis, na osnovi vlastitih istraživanja pojava gladi tijekom viktorijanskog doba, zaključuje kako su "pojave velike gladi uvijek predstavljale redistributivnu klasnu borbu."[v]
Princip apsolutne oskudice posljedica je pogrešnog rezoniranja: zbog toga što apsolutna oskudica implicira glad, apsolutna se oskudica pogrešno izvodi iz postojanja gladi. Ovakvo razmišljanje samo otkriva jednu naivnu pretpostavku: da se hrana proizvodi za upotrebu. Međutim, s gotovo globalnim širenjem ograđivanja i kolonizacije, sve veći udio poljoprivredne proizvodnje postaje proizvodnja robe, tj. proizvodnja za tržište. Proizvodnja roba nije motivirana njihovom upotrebom, već cijenama koje mogu postići. Ako biodizel ili govedina postižu dovoljno visoku cijenu, poljoprivredna površina prenamjenjuje se za prehranu automobila ili krava dok milijuni ljudi postaju gladni. Stoga, da citiramo uvodni redak Senovog eseja: "Glad znači da neki ljudi nemaju dovoljno hrane za jelo. No, to ne znači nužno da ne postoji dovoljno hrane za jelo."[vi]
Politička ekonomija gladi
Činjenicu da postoji dovoljno hrane za prehraniti sve ljude polako počinju priznavati i vladajuće institucije. Na primjer, UN-ova Organizacija za hranu i poljoprivredu (FAO) jasno ističe kako: "u svijetu postoji dovoljan kapacitet za proizvodnju dovoljne količine hrane za adekvatnu prehranu svih ljudi, no bez obzira na to, unatoč progresu ostvarenom tijekom posljednja dva desetljeća, 805 milijuna ljudi još uvijek trpe kroniču glad."[vii]
Međutim, Senov naglasak na načinu proizvodnje, oblicima vlasništva i klasnim odnosima zamijenjen je tehnokratskim pristupom ovom "izazovu" koji stvar vidi jednostavno kao pitanje implementiranja ispravnih politika. "Dostupnost hrane“ još se uvijek nalazi na prvom mjestu FAO-ve liste dimenzija gladi. I premda između trećine i polovice hrane proizvedene u svijetu trenutno završava u smeću, Svjetska se banka, poput Malthusa, poziva na rastuću populaciju kako bi naglasila potrebu za povećanjem poljoprivredne produktivnosti. U načelu nema ničega lošeg u povećanju poljoprivredne produktivnosti, veći urodi uz manja ulaganja čine se kao dobra ideja, no to često može biti eufemizam za otimanje zemlje.[viii]
Ova nova ograđivanja izvlašćuju i proletariziraju ruralnu populaciju, čineći je ovisnom o tržištu hrane. Drugim riječima, iako se Senovi uvidi formalno priznaju, predložene politike brzo se vraćaju poznatim kapitalističkim principima poput povećanja prinosa i produktivnosti te razvoja tržišta financijskim uslugama povezanim s poljoprivredom, gnojivima i mašinerijom. Glad se tretira kao da se prvenstveno radi o problemu dostupnosti hrane, iako se priznaje da to nije slučaj. Kako bismo razumjeli zbog čega je tomu tako, moramo se okrenuti ekonomskom povjesničaru Karlu Polanyu.
Polanyi se bavio "velikom transformacijom": usponom tržišnog društva, tj. kapitalizma. Kao i Karl Marx prije njega, Polanyi je u odvajanju populacije od zemlje prepoznao ključni faktor u transformaciji tržišta iz, za većinu ljudi, relativno rubnog fenomena u centralnu instituciju koja upravlja društvenom reprodukcijom.
"Prva je faza bila komercijalizacija tla, što je mobiliziralo feudalni prihod od zemlje. Druga je bila povećanje proizvodnje hrane i organskih sirovina kako bi se zadovoljile potrebe brzo rastuće industrijske populacije na nacionalnom nivou. Treća je bila širenje takvog sustava proizvodnje viškova na prekomorske i kolonijalne teritorije. S tim zadnjim korakom zemlja i njeni plodovi konačno su uklopljeni u shemu samoregulirajućeg svjetskog tržišta."[ix]
Polanyi pomalo griješi u kronologiji – kolonijalna je proizvodnja prethodila i pomogla u financiranju industrijske revolucije. Parni stroj Jamesa Watta financiran je profitima s karipskih robovlasničkih plantaža.[x] No, ono što je važnije za našu temu jest to da Polanyi naglašava nužnost postojanja gladi kako bi tržište rada moglo funkcionirati: "Kritična je faza dosegnuta s uspostavom tržišta rada u Engleskoj, u kojoj su radnici suočeni s prijetnjom gladi ukoliko odbiju poštovati pravila nadničarskog rada. Čim je učinjen taj drastični korak, mehanizam samoregulirajućeg tržišta je profunkcionirao."[xi]
Prema tome, glad nije usputni problem kapitalizma već preduvjet njegovog postojanja. Ovaj proces proletarizacije stvorio je kategoriju nezaposlenih, koja je zamijenila kategoriju siromaha. Polanyi nadalje tvrdi kako bi se sustav nadnica raspao da se nezaposleni nisu našli "u opasnosti od gladovanja, s prezrenom ubožnicom kao jedinom alternativom".[xii] Zbog toga je Polanyi smatrao da su poslijeratna socijalna država i kejnzijanska politika pune zaposlenosti, minimizirajući prijetnju gladi, nadomjestile tržišno društvo. No socijaldemokracija se pokazala kao nestabilan kompromis između kapitalizma i nečeg drugog. Radništvo se pobunilo i nakon krize iz 1970-ih kapitalisti su odgovorili novom rundom ekonomskog liberalizma.
Povratak rahitisa, banaka hrane i ubožnica (u obliku socijalne skrbi uz obavezni rad) može se stoga smatrati povratkom u kapitalističku normalnost.[xiii] Kapitalizam mora održavati umjetnu oskudicu hrane kako bi osigurao tržište rada. Klimatske promjene vjerojatno će smanjiti poljoprivredne prinose i dostupno poljoprivredno zemljište dezertifikacijom, zaslanjivanjem obalnih vodonosnika, poplavama zbog podizanja razine mora i promjene režima padalina.[xiv] No, dostupnost hrane uvijek je posredovana društvenim odnosima. Kako kaže Rolando Garcia, "klimatske činjenice nisu činjenice po sebi, već dobivaju na važnosti samo u odnosu spram restrukturiranja okoliša unutar različitih sustava proizvodnje".
Rasprave o gladi u svijetu gotovo uvijek pretpostavljaju da proizvodnja hrane jest i uvijek će biti proizvodnja robe, uz istovremenu pretpostavku kako se hrana proizvodi za upotrebu. No, što god da nam donesu klimatske promjene, uvijek će postojati jaz između onoga što je moguće i onoga što je moguće u kapitalizmu. Ako sve ostalo ostane isto, za očekivati je da će smanjenje uroda i gubitak obradivog zemljišta povećati glad u svijetu. No sve ostalo ne mora ostati isto. Društveni odnosi kroz koje se organiziraju biofizičke sile nisu sami po sebi prirodni zakoni: podložni su promjeni. To je revolucionarna mogućnost koju se maltuzijanskom mitologijom nastoji sakriti.
izvor: Out of the Woods blog
prijevod: Ilija Todorić
[i] Danny Dorling, Population 10 Billion, str.111.
[ii] Na primjer, profesor sa sveučilišta u Santa Barbari, David Cleveland, otvoreno govori kako je "dugoročno gledano Malthus bio u pravu. Njegova osnovna opažanja čine se neoborivima." Citat je iz njegove, osim toga, ponešto kritične knjige "Balancing on a planet: the future of food and agriculture", str. 26
[iii] Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines, str.155.
[iv] Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines, str.162
[v] Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts, str.20.
[vi] Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines, str.1.
[viii] Vidi: Stefano Liberti, Land grabbing: journeys in the new colonialism. Silvia Federici i Glen Coulthard nalaze se među onima koji su primitvnu akumulaciju teoretizirali kao proces koji još uvijek traje, a ne kao završenu povijesnu epizodu.
[ix] Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, str.188.
[x] Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, str.102.
[xi] Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, str.225.
[xii] Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, str.232.
[xiii] O povratku rahitisa u Velikoj Britaniji: http://www.theguardian.com/society/2014/aug/30/child-poverty-link-malnut...
[xiv] O budućnosti hrane unutar različitih klimatskih scenarija raspravljat ćemo u budućim člancima, nakon što smo iznijeli povijesni pregled kapitalizma i poljoprivrede do današnjih dana.
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