Grčka tragedija

"Jurišnici" Zlatne zore

Ekonomska i društvena kriza koja je započela bankarskim slomom 2008. najintenzivnije se očitovala u perifernim zemljama južne Europe među kojima je najgora situacija u Grčkoj. Kao rješenje teške dužničke krize, koja je između ostalog pogoršana i spašavanjem kolabiranog bankarskog sektora, od siječnja 2010. Grčka provodi oštre i sveobuhvatne mjere štednje. Usprkos obećanjima i propagandi neoliberalnih elita, štednja države i „stezanje remena“ nisu donijeli brzi gospodarski oporavak a 2012. godina je za Grčku bila peta godina duboke recesije s ukupnim padom BDP-a u razdoblju od 2008. od 22%, dok je u prvom kvartalu 2013. Grčka zabilježila daljnji pad BDP-a od 5,3% u odnosu na isto razdoblje lani. Nezaposlenost je poprimila gotovo trećesvjetske razmjere i približava se 30%, dok je unutar populacije mlađe od 25 godina nezaposlenost blizu 60%. Položaj onih Grka koji i dalje imaju posao također se sve više pogoršava – 25% zaposlenih Grka nalazi se ispod granice siromaštva, a prema podacima grčkih sindikata prosječna plaća koja je do prije dvije godine iznosila 84% sada iznosi 74% europskog prosjeka. Smanjeni prihodi ili gubitak istih, povećanje cijene energenata (benzin je u Grčkoj 2012. bio dvostruko skuplji nego 2009.) i visoki porezi osiromašili su mnoge. Za sve veći broj Grka svakodnevno prehranjivanje ili kupnja osnovnih medicinskih potrepština i lijekova postaju sve veći problem. Kao dio nastojanja smanjenja proračunskog deficita, uveden je poseban porez na nekretnine koji se plaća preko računa za struju i zbog čega svaki mjesec 30 tisuća kućanstava ostaje bez struje. Mjere štednje Grčkoj su donijele i ekološku katastrofu – zbog nemogućnosti plaćanja grijanja, prošle zime mnogi stanovnici Atene grijali su se starim namještajem i ilegalno posječenim drvima iz okolnih šuma zbog čega je grad neprestano bio pod ogromnim oblakom smoga. Kao direktna posljedica recesije, Grčka bilježi i vrtoglav porast zloupotrebe alkohola i droga i posljedičnih zdravstvenih i psiholoških problema.

Političke elite iz zemalja jezgre EU odlučne su u zadržavanju Grčke unutar eurozone jer bi grčki izlazak, o kojem se sve manje spekulira, nanio nesagledivu štetu zajedničkoj europskoj valuti i cjelokupnom europskom i svjetskom ekonomskom sustavu. Grčka država nalazi se pod potpunom kontrolom Trojke (Europska Komisija, Europska Centralna Banka, MMF). Uz nametanje nove runde mjera štednje, Grčka je u studenom prošle godine dobila dvogodišnje produljenje roka za smanjenje proračunskog deficita ispod 3% BDP-a. Krajem travnja EU i MMF su Grčkoj izdali kredit od 8,8 milijardi eura, a zauzvrat se Grčka obvezala na nova otpuštanja u javnom sektoru. Osim rezanja potrošnje i povećanja poreza, Grčka se obvezala i na potpunu privatizaciju državne imovine poput vodovoda, plinovoda, željeznica i luka u Pireju i Ateni. Ovakav razvoj događaja nije prošao bez otpora – osim poznate okupacije trga Syntagma u lipnju 2011., gotovo na tjednoj bazi u Grčkoj se događaju prosvjedi i neredi. Intenzitet društvenih previranja bio je na vrhuncu u veljači prošle godine prilikom donošenja cijelog paketa mjera štednje. U tom je trenutku broj ljudi u militatnim oblicima sukoba i otpora poput okupacije javnih zagrada i napada na policijske postaje dosegao maksimum. U posljednje tri godine održano je više od 20 generalnih štrajkova. Više od 70 tisuća ljudi marširalo je Atenom i za vrijeme dvadesetog generalnog štrajka 18. listopada prošle godine. Tada je došlo do uobičajenih sukoba prosvjednika i policije s tragičnim završetkom – od posljedica srčanog udara izazvanog udisanjem policijskog suzavca umro je nezaposleni 65-godišnjak. S jedne strane, toliki broj štrajkova pokazuje da želja za otporom brutalnom pljačkanju i osiromašivanju i dalje postoji među znatnim dijelom grčkog naroda. Međutim, očito je da niti česti generalni štrajkovi nisu uspjeli ozbiljnije ugroziti grčke financijske i političke elite te zaustaviti agoniju grčke ekonomije. No usprkos svom sivilu i beznađu situacije, iz Grčke povremeno saznajemo i o pokušajima stvaranja novih načina društvene samoorganizacije i solidarnosti. Jedan od najljepših primjera svakako je tajna mreža pokrenuta od skupine grčkih liječnika koja pomaže pribaviti lijekove oboljelima od raka koji su izgubili pravo na zdravstveno osiguranje. U veljači ove godine radnici tvornice građevnih materijala VioMe u Solunu, nakon što su mjesecima radili bez plaće, inspirirani argentinskim primjerima okupirali su tvornicu i nastavili proizvodnju bez šefova i hijerahije uz kolektivno odlučivanje kroz skupštine. Svakako valja spomenuti i tzv. „Pokret krumpira“ koji direktno povezuje u mreže poljoprivrednike i proizvođače krumpira organizirane u zadruge s potrošačima u većim gradovima, bez trgovačkih posrednika i tako osigurava jeftiniju opskrbu hranom osiromašenim Grcima, te sigurniji plasman proizvoda poljoprivrednicima koji više ne ovise o milosti velikih trgovačkih lanaca.

Pokušaji otpora ekonomskim „šok terapijama“ i socijalnim eksperimentima ne ostaju ograničeni samo na generalne štrajkove. No čini se kao da se Grčka vratila 40-ak godina u prošlost kada je tom zemljom vladala desničarska vojna hunta. Na svaki pokušaj otpora i demonstracija grčka država odgovara nesmiljenom žestinom i represijom. Tako je u listopadu 2012. policija pretukla i napala suzavcem radnike brodogradilišta koji su prosvjedovali ispred ministarstva obrane te je 120 radnika uhićeno. Gotovo u isto vrijeme, grčka vlast je zabranila sva javna okupljanja prilikom posjeta njemačke kancelarke Angele Merkel Ateni kako bi spriječila moguće prosvjede. Unatoč zabrani, neki prosvjedi su se uspjeli održati uz sukobe s policijom. U jednom takvom sukobu, policija je kao živi štit od prosvjednika koji su bacali kamenje koristila uhićenu prosvjednicu. Krajem siječnja ove godine, kao dio paketa mjera štednje, radnicima atenske podzemne željeznice smanjena je plaća za 20%. Radnici su stupili u štrajk s čime su se solidarizirali i radnici tramvajskog i autobusnog prijevoza, efektivno blokirajući Atenu. Štrajk je završio porazom radnika nakon devet dana, nakon što je država uvela radnu obvezu (prijetnja otkazom za svakoga u štrajku) i pobrinula se da se obveza provede slanjem specijalne policije u zauzimanje glavnog spremišta podzemne željeznice, pri čemu je također velik broj štrajkaša uhićen. U svibnju su grčki učitelji odlučili pokrenuti štrajk zbog povećanja broja radnih sati uz popratno smanjenje plaće. U maniri Slavka Linića i njegovih prijetnji hrvatskim sindikatima javnih službi zbog najavljenog štrajka, grčka vlada uvela je radnu obavezu učiteljima prije nego li je štrajk i službeno najavljen. Pritom je ministar obrazovanja sindikate učitelja nazvao „prijetnjom društvu“.

U jesen prošle godine medijsku pažnju dobila je i borba lokalnog stanovništva protiv rudnika zlata na poluotoku Halkidiki na sjeveru Grčke. Kanadska multinacionalna kompanija uz svesrdnu podršku grčke države nastoji pokrenuti rudnik zlata na lokaciji Skouries. Realizacija projekta značila bi potpunu destrukciju lokalnog ekosustava, kao i upropaštavanje trenutno postojećeg lokalnog gospodarstva (ribarstvo, turizam, poljoprivreda). U listopadu je policija brutalno napala miran marš lokalnog stanovništva i protivnika projekta. Prosvjednici su brutalno premlaćeni pri ćemu su im lomljene i noge, a u automobile sudionika marša ubacivan je suzavac. Mainstream grčki mediji događaj su popratili cenzurom i tišinom. Za razliku od toga, 16. veljače nepoznati počinitelji zapalili su strojeve rudarske kompanije u Skouriesu što je postalo udarna vijest u grčkom medijskom prostoru, uz jednostrano izvještavanje u kojem su sav prostor dobili političari i rudarska kompanija, bez suvišnog obaziranja na stavove i mišljenja lokalnog stanovništva. Na paljenje strojeva država je uzvratila snažnim udarom i masovnim uhićenjima lokalnog stanovništva iz obližnjeg sela Ierissos, pri čemu je policija uhićenima oduzimala pravo na odvjetnika. Do novog obračuna došlo je 7. ožujka kada je policija izvršila invaziju na Ierissos. U obračunu lokalnog stanovništva i policije koji je uslijedio policija se nije ustručavala ubaciti suzavac u zgradu lokalne škole prepunu djece. Početkom travnja došlo je do sukoba protivnika projekta i radnika koji se žele zaposliti u rudniku, što svakako možemo smatrati primjerom grčkog društvenog sloma u kojemu se različiti dijelovi grčke radničke klase bore oko mrvica zaostalih nakon godina krize. Nekoliko dana kasnije policija je pokušala izvesti još jednu raciju aktivista u Ierissosu, na što je lokalno stanovništvo odgovorilo okupacijom i uništavanjem lokalne policijske postaje.

Palež u Skouriesu

Val državne represije nije zaobišao niti grčki anarhistički pokret. Najstariji grčki skvot, Villa Amalias, 20. prosinca deložirale su jake policijske snage koje su uključivale i antiterorističke jedinice, uz uhićenje osmero stanara. Prostor je ponovno okupiran od strane skvotera 9. siječnja, no policija se brzo pribrala i ponovno deložirala skvot, ovoga puta uz uhićenje 100 ljudi. U priopćenju uhićenih skvotera rečeno je sljedeće: „Ponovno smo okupirali Villu Amalias znajući da ćemo biti napadnuti i da će nas uhititi. Učinit ćemo to opet, koliko god puta je potrebno, za ovaj i za sve one prostore otpora odozdo koji mogu biti napadnuti. Neumorno još jednom govorimo: niti njihovo oružje, niti njihove klevete neće nas zastrašiti.“ Nakon ponovne deložacije Ville Amalias, u znak solidarnosti u raznim atenskim kvartovima došlo je do raznih spontanih akcija i okupljanja. U jednoj takvoj akciji prosvjednici su okupirali sjedište jedne od stranaka vladajuće koalicije pri čemu je uhićeno dodatnih 40 ljudi. Isti dan, deložiran je i drugi atenski skvot Skaramanga. Nekoliko dana kasnije na prosvjedu solidarnosti s napadnutim samoorganiziranim prostorima oko 10 tisuća ljudi okupilo se u centru Atene.

Uhićeni skvoteri

Ekonomski, društveni i politički slom Grčke posjeduje i svoju otvoreno fašističku dimenziju. Na parlamentarnim izborima u lipnju 2012. u parlament ulazi neonacistička ulična banda imenom Zlatna zora (grč. Hyrsi Avgi), s osvojenih 7% glasova i 18 zastupničkih mjesta. Zlatna zora postoji još od 1980., kada je osnovana pod vodstvom Nikosa Michaloliakosa, bivšeg vojnog komandosa koji je tijekom 70-ih služio zatvorsku kaznu zbog napada na novinare, djelovanja u ekstremno desnim skupinama i posjedovanja eksploziva. Tijekom tridesetak godina svog postojanja, Zlatna zora nikada nije ostvarila znatniji politički utjecaj i bila je marginalna skupina neonacističkih skinheada i uličara poznatih po povremenim nasilnim ispadima spram anarhista i ljevičarskih studenata. Izborni uspjeh i rast moći Zlatne zore počinje s raspadom grčkog gospodarstva u dužničkoj krizi koji se poklopio s humanitarnom krizom na grčkim granicama i velikim imigrantskim valom u Grčku iz zemalja Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Prvi izborni uspjeh postižu 2010. kada Michaloliakos osvaja mjesto u atenskom gradskom vijeću, na čijoj prvoj sjednici odmah izaziva incidente pozdravljajući nacističkim pozdravom. U kratkom razdoblju nakon toga, na razini Grčke i dalje su imali minornu potporu koja se kretala oko 1% biračkog tijela. No u tom trenutku, problem imigracije postaje grčki problem broj jedan i izvor svih nedaća, a za takvo stanje dobrim dijelom odgovorni su i veliki dijelovi grčkih vladajućih klasa i vodećih medija koji ga koriste za stvaranje psihoze izvanrednog stanja i skretanje pozornosti sa šok-terapija koje provode. U takvim uvjetima, fašisti Zlatne zore uspješno koriste situaciju te rasističkom i militarističkom retorikom koja obećava čvrstu ruku i ponovno uvođenje reda osvajaju podršku znatnog dijela osiromašenih Grka koji su u krizi ostali bez ikakve ekonomske i socijalne sigurnosti te se osjećaju izdano od strane tradicionalnih političkih stranaka i struktura.

Nacistički pozdrav Nikosa Michaloliakosa, osnivača Zlatne zore

U godinu dana nakon izbora, potpora Zlatnoj zori u anketama se udvostručila i sada su treća politička stranka po snazi u Grčkoj, a sa drugim desničarskim i nacionalističkim grupacijama poput Nezavisnih Grka čine blok koji ima potporu preko 20% biračkog tijela. Ekonomski program Zlatne zore prilično je nejasan, iako se propagiraju kao antisistemski pokret koji se bori protiv bankara i proračunskih rezova. S druge strane, rasistička i ksenofobna ideologija Zlatne zore više je nego jasna i očita. U godinama prije parlamentarnog proboja, na stranicama službenog glasnika Zlatne zore mogli su se naći tekstovi u kojima se otvoreno veliča Hitlerov režim i tuguje zbog poraza nacista 1945. Hitlera su hvalili kao „velikog reformatora i organizatora modelne države.“ Bilo je tu i stavova koji su se mogli činiti potpuno smiješnima i bizarnima, poput onoga o potrebi vraćanja grčkog naroda štovanju drevnih grčkih bogova s Olimpa. Zlatna zora dobro je povezana s njemačkom neonacističkom scenom, s kojom dijeli iste stavove koji negiraju Holokaust i Auschwitz. Među parlamentarnim zastupnicima Zlatne zore nalazi se i Artemis Matthaiopolous, bivši basist neonacističkog benda Pogrom, čije pjesme su uključivale stihove poput „Auschwitz, toliko te volim! Juden Raus! Neka gore u Auschwitzu!“ Michaloliakos je još 2005. govorio „kada budemo snažni, nećemo imati milosti. Više neće biti demokracije“, no tada je malo tko u Grčkoj prijetnju shvatio ozbiljno. Antisemitizam Zlatne zore jasno je izražen u listopadu kada je njihov glasnovornik i notorni nasilnik Ilias Kasidiaris u parlamentu citirao Protokole sionskih mudraca, što je prošlo bez reakcije i osude ostalih stranaka. Zahtijevaju uvođenje smrtne kazne za imigrante koji počine kaznena djela i teško naoružanu policiju na ulicama, kao i segregaciju grčke i imigrantske djece u školama. 

Zlatna zora se ne zaustavlja na retorici. Nakon što su prije izbora najavljivali protjerivanje svih ne-Grka iz dječjih vrtića i bolnica, u veljači ove godine skupina neonacista naoružanih palicama izbacila je nekoliko imigrantskih radnika u bolnici u gradu Tripolisu, uz potporu ravnateljice bolnice koja je nakon toga smijenjena. Prošlo ljeto je Zlatna zora započela s uspostavom centara u kojima se besplatno dijeli hrana uz predočenje dokumenta kojim se dokazuje grčka nacionalnost. Nastoje se infiltrirati u svaki dio grčkog društva pa tako aktivno regutiraju pristaše u srednjim školama i organiziraju ih u ulične bande koje napadaju imigrante, osnivaju sindikalne organizacije pod stranačkom kontrolom poput „Narodne lige takstista“, a slično su pokušali i u obrazovnom i zdravstvenom sektoru. Fašisti su u snažnoj ofenzivi i brutalnim nasiljem nastoje zavladati ulicama grčkih gradova. Parlamentarci Zlatne zore ne odustaju od svog imidža uličnih razbojnika i nasilnika – spomenti Kasidiaris je u lipnju prošle godine pred televizijskim kamerama fizički nasrnuo na političarke Syrize i Komunističke partije i pritome prošao nekažnjeno. Kasidiaris je već dugo godina poznat kao huligan koji je 2002. sudjelovao u sukobu u kojemu su pripadnici Zlatne zore noževima izboli dvojicu studenata koji su im branili ljepljenje plakata na atenskom sveučilištu. Na dan policijske invazije na Ierissos, oslobođen je svih optužbi zbog tog događaja, u sudnici prepunoj nacističkih batinaša, iako nije pružio čvrsti alibi. U rujnu su druga dvojica zastupnika predvodila skupinu huligana u napadu na imigrantske prodavače na lokalnoj tržnici u mjestu Rafina u okolici Atene. Početkom travnja skupina članova Zlatne zore predvođena zastupnikom Koukoutsisom upala je u bolnicu u mjestu Kalamati s namjerom izbacivanja stranih medicinskih sestara i sukobila se sa skupinom Roma koja se tamo zatekla. Fašistički parlamentarac nakon toga je izjavio da je „Ciganima delinkventnost upisana u DNK“. Posljednji nasilni ispad naci-parlamentaraca dogodio se nekoliko dana prije pravoslavnog Uskrsa. Tada je atenski gradonačelnik Zlatnoj zori zabranio dijeljenje hrane samo za Grke na trgu Syntagma zbog čega je došlo do kraćeg sukoba okupljenih nacista i policije. Nakon toga, Zorin zastupnik Giorgos Germenis na dijeljenju darova siromašnoj djeci napada atenskog gradonačelnika, a nakon što ga je svladalo gradonačelnikovo osiguranje, pokušava izvući i pucati iz pištolja. Dosada nijedan zastupnik Zlatne zore nije kazneno odgovarao zbog fizičkog nasilja prema političkim protivnicima ili imigrantima.

Žrtva rasističkog napada

Zaoštravanje grčke krize dovelo je i do gotovo svakodnevenog rasističkog nasilja usmjerenog protiv svih koji nisu čisti Grci. Bande desničarskih huligana i paravojni jurišni odredi Zlatne zore lutaju ulicama i napadaju svakoga tko je krive boje kože. Prošlo ljeto u kolovozu u centru Atene ubijen je 19-godišnji irački imigrant. U siječnju ove godine 26-godišnji Pakistanac je ubijen u atenskom kvartu Petraloni dok je biciklom išao na posao. Početkom veljače ulični prodavač iz Senegala Cheikh Ndiaye napadnut je od strane policije. Prema svjedocima, Ndiaye je prilikom pokušaja bijega gurnut od policajaca na tračnice podzemne željeznice pod naponom i na mjestu umro. Postoje sumnje da su umiješani policajci dio paravojne Grupe K, koja je povezana s Zlatnom zorom i djeluje uz suglasnost atenskog dogradonačelnika. U listopadu prošle godine UNHCR je objavio izvještaj u kojem navodi 87 prijavljenih slučajeva rasističkog nasilja u prvih devet mjeseci prošle godine, a većina napada se pripisuje skupinama povezanim s Zlatnom zorom. U godišnjem izvješću grčke Antirasističke mreže navodi se broj od 154 slučaja rasističkog nasilja u 2012., a stvaran broj je vjerojatno i mnogo veći jer mnoge žrtve ne prijavljuju zločine iz straha da će biti protjerani iz zemlje. Mreža je zabilježila i slučaj Egipćanina koji je preminuo nakon 17 dana u komi izazvanoj premlaćivanjem od strane poslodavca koji mu je dugovao neisplaćene plaće. Prije nekoliko mjeseci antifašističke organizacije iz Soluna izvijestile su o rasističkim napadima u tom gradu. Ulični teror paravojnih bandi nije usmjeren samo na imigrante. Na meti su i LGBT zajednice čija su mjesta okupljanja prošlog ljeta bila obljepljena plakatima kojima im se prijetilo pogromom. Neki su bili skloni povući paralelu s njemačkom Kristalnom noći iz 1938. kada je sredinom listopada Zlatna zora,  predvođena  zastupnikom Iliasom Panagiotarosom, spriječila održavanje kazališne predstave gay tematike Corpus Christi, premlaćujući glumce i posjetitelje. Tada se dogodio jedan od velikog broja slučajeva u kojima je grčka policija pasivnim promatranjem sa strane pružila potporu fašističkom divljanju (nekoliko pripadnika Zlatne zore je uhićeno, no „uvaženi“ parlamentarci su nakon toga bezbrižno izveli svoje kolege iz policijskog autobusa bez da ih je itko zaustavio).

Pritvoreni imigranti

Imigrantske manjine nisu na udaru samo neonacističkih uličara, već kompletnog grčkog državnog aparata i velikog dijela grčkog društva. Vođa konzervativno desne Nove Demokracije i trenutni premijer Antonis Samaras lani je u predizbornoj kampanji imigrante opisao kao „tirane grčkog društva“. U sklopu operacije Xenios Zeus (ironično nazvane prema antičkom bogu gostoprimstva) koja neprekidno traje od kolovoza, više tisuća imigranata je uhapšeno na grčkim ulicama i poslano u posebne zatvore u kojima vladaju nehumani i ponižavajući uvjeti i gdje ih se mjesecima drži bez suđenja ili deportiranja. Grčka planira izgraditi 50 posebnih zatvora za imigrante. Zbog katastrofalnog stanja i zlostavljanja u imigrantskim zatvorima dolazi i do pobuna. 8. travnja, u zatvoru u Amygdalezi zatvoreni imigranti stupili su u štrajk glađu koji se proširio i na ostale zatvore u zemlji, u jednom je trenutku preko 2000 imigranata štrajkalo glađu. Mnogi imigranti koji uspiju naći posao u Grčkoj često su meta ksenofobije, rasizma i eksploatacije od strane poslodavca. Slučaj koji je privukao međunarodnu pažnju dogodio se sredinom travnja u Manoladi u okolici Patre, gdje su predradnici otvorili vatru iz pušaka na imigrantske berače jagoda iz Bangladeša koji su radili bez plaće šest mjeseci. Pritom su 34 berača ranjena, a kasnije su otkriveni uvjeti u kojima su nesretni Bangladežani živjeli i radili – rad 11 sati dnevno, 7 dana u tjednu za plaću ispod grčkog minimuma, od koje su si morali plaćti smještaj u kolibama bez vode i WC-a.

Ozlijeđeni Bangladežani u Manoladi

Može se reći da je grčko društvo učinilo snažan zaokret u desnom i autoritarnom smjeru. U nedavnoj anketi gotovo trećina Grka izrazila je nostalgiju za vremenom desničarske vojne diktature s početka 1970-ih.   Vladajuća stranka Nova Demokracija predlaže zakon kojim bi se državljanima Grčke koji nisu grčke nacionalnosti zabranilo zapošljavanje u vojsci i policiji. Grčka policija u slučajevima rasističkog nasilja najčešće ne poduzima ništa i Zlatnoj zori polako prepušta područje svojeg djelovanja pa tako žrtve uličnog kriminala upućuje da pomoć potraže kod Zlatne zore. Dugogodišnja suradnja i međusobna simpatija dijelova grčke policije i fašista kulminirala je na lanjskim izborima kada je oko 50% policajaca svoj glas dalo Zlatnoj zori. No ipak, postoje dijelovi grčkog društva koji se odbijaju pomiriti s otklizavanjem Grčke u autoritarizam i fašističko nasilje. Neki od nedavnih primjera antifašističkog otpora su bacanje u more aktivista Zlatne zore u Chaniji na Kreti te protjerivanje s otoka Thasosa gdje je Zlatna zora namjeravala dijeliti hranu isključivo Grcima. Fašisti su u nekim bolnicama spriječeni u davanju krvi „od Grka za Grke“ – u Pireju ih je osoblje izbacilo iz bolnice, a na otoku Samosu su spriječeni prosvjedom antirasističkih skupina i sindikata. U nekim atenskim kvartovima stanovnici su se počeli samoorganizirati u noćne patrole kako bi se obranili od fašista. Samoobrambene skupine nazvale su se Crnim Panterama i nastoje se zaštiti od rasističkih napada protiv svih koji nisu etnički Grci. Prošle jeseni slučaj koji je privukao pažnju međunarodnih medija bila je tortura nad antifašistima u policijskom pritvoru. Krajem rujna, antifašističke grupe počele su ogranizirati motociklističke patrole u atenskim kvartovima u kojima je često rasističko nasilje. Prilikom jedne takve patrole, antifašisti su se sukobili s pripadnicima Zlatne zore i 15-ero ih je uhićeno, dok fašisti nisu uhićivani. Uhićeni su u policiji brutalno premlaćeni (između ostalog, policajci su gasili cigarete na koži uhićenih i primjenjivali elektrošokove) te im je uskraćena medicinska pomoć, o čemu je pisao i britanski Guardian. U prosvjedu solidarnosti s uhićenima, uhićeno je dodatnih 25 ljudi koji su također podvrgnuti mučenju u pritvoru i prijetnjama policije da će dati njihove fotografije Zlatnoj zori. Službena grčka država slučaj je pokušala zataškati i cenzurirati pa su tako suspendirani novinari državne televizije koji su komentirali slučaj policijske torture. Nedugo nakon toga, zastupnik Zlatne zore Ilias Panagiotaros u intervjuu BBC-u se pohvalio kako su policajci regularni kupci u njegovoj trgovini vojne opreme, u kojoj se uz policijske i vojne odore mogu kupiti i majice s natpisima koji slave britansku nacističku terorističku skupinu Combat 18. Britanski list Guardian krajem listopada prenio je priču anonimnog policijskog dužnosnika kako grčka država godinama zna za povezanost Zlatne Zore i policije, no svjesno je odlučila ne činiti ništa kako bi fašiste imala kao rezervu koju u slučaju potrebe može upotrijebiti protiv ljevice. Taj trenutak je došao i zvijeri države puštene su s lanca, uz podršku glavnih medija koji, osim što vođe Zlatne zore poput Iliasa Kasidiarisa pretvaraju u zvijezde tabloida, neonaciste prikazuju kao veliku priliku za obračun s lijevim i radničkim pokretima. Pri tome se argumenti zasnivaju na logici kako su i ljevica i radikalna desnica zapravo ekvivalentni, nasilni ekstremi jednako opasni po društvo i demokraciju koju stoga mogu sačuvati jedino oni koji se upravo sada nalaze na vlasti, no prešućuje se kako su upravo neoliberalne politike i korupcija umjerenih, centrističkih i liberalno-demokratskih stranaka ono što je uništilo grčko društvo te tako otvorilo put Zlatnoj zori i fašizmu. Tako propagirani narativ o „dva esktrema“ samo služi očuvanju hegemonije političkih i financijskih elita, kao i racionalizaciji brutalnog obračuna s bilo kojim oblikom političke pobune i neposluha, kao što to pokazuju slučajevi rudnika u Skouriesu i atenskih skvotova. Država je spremna ugađati fašistima i zatirati svaki oblik otpora i kritike, dok istovremeno miroljubiva i progresivna dobitnica prošlogodišnje Nobelove nagrade za mir, zadovoljna time što Grčka vjerno slijedi naređenja Trojke i financijski sustav eurozone je očuvan, o svemu nezainteresirano šuti i skreće pogled na drugu stranu dok Grčku preuzima barbarstvo socijalne dezintegracije, ksenofobije i nacističkog šovinizma.

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