Direktna demokracija - suupravljanje ili samoupravljanje?

"Tek kada zbiljski, individualni čovjek vrati u sebe apstraktnog građanina i kao individualni čovjek postane realno biće... tek kada čovjek spozna i organizira svoje 'forces propres' (vlastite snage) kao društvene snage i stoga više ne bude od sebe dijelio društvenu snagu u obliku političke snage, tek tada će čovjekova emancipacija biti dovršena."
Karl Marx, Prilog Jevrejskom pitanju

"Ako demokracija znači davanje prioriteta formi nad sadržajem, jedino će transformacija društvenog sadržaja vratiti formu tamo gdje pripada."
Gilles Dauvé, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Autonomy

Izniman se doprinos studentskog direktno demokratskog djelovanja (dirdema) sastojao ne samo u tome što se usporila komodifikacija znanja sa svim njezinim društvenim posljedicama, nego i u tome da su se u politički vakum Hrvatske 'javnosti' unijele 'nove' i 'svježe' metode i ideje borbe. Leitmotiv tih dana bila je ideja dirdema, bezličnog (faceless) otpora i blokade kao efektivnih metoda u borbi za obranu prava i materijalnih resursa reprodukcije koji nam se svakodnevno nastoje oduzeti, ali i kao 'novina' drugačijeg uspostavljanja samodeterminirajućih političkih praksi koje su predstavljale prekid sa logikom onog što se uobičajeno podrazumijeva pod 'politikom'. Bez okolišanja bi se moglo reći kako se radilo o najznačajnijem emancipatorskom događaju u skorijoj povijesti ovih prostora. Za mnoge je upravo ta sadržajnost glavni motiv podupiranja i priključivanja borbi, posebno ako se u obzir uzme realna ocjena kako sama borba za besplatno obrazovanje predstavlja tek jedan ciklus, ali i prvi organizirani oblik takvih primjera borbe koje se eksplicitno suprotstavljaju kapitalu, koje raskrinkavaju navodnu nepovezanost i 'relativnu autonomiju' ekonomije i politike, koje imaju izražen klasni sadržaj i koje su samoorganizirane.

Jednom kada konkretna borba utihne ili se primiri, i usprkos ciničnim glasovima koji olako zaključuju "kako se ništa nije postiglo", uvijek ostaje otvorenim pitanje traga koji je neka borba za sobom ostavila. U 'našem' slučaju nije trebalo dugo čekati na to. Tekući su prosvjedi pokazali kako je val ideja koje su pokrenuli studenti zahvatio i šire društvene skupine, jer nisu samo oni nosili dirdem natpise, a kolika je njegova snaga vidimo i u tome da se ovih dana osnovao i prvi dirdem sindikat u Hrvatskoj "Akademska solidarnost".

U mainstream medijima dirdem fraza također je počela sve češće cirkulirati i možda prije svega tu leži opasnost da se samo značenje dirdema i njegova emancipatorska subverzivnost omekša, očisti od svojeg sadržaja, instrumentalizira i kooptira. Ako u obzir uzmemo i to da u 'javnosti', a posebno kada je pitanje o 'politici' i 'demokraciji', djeluju uglavnom dominantne –neoliberalne- ide(je)ologije (koje se samoprikazuju i kao 'postideološke') čija je funkcija 'u krajnjoj instanci' reprodukcija/rekonstitucija kapitalističkog društvenog odnosa – ima se razloga vjerovati da su ove opasnosti realne.

Problematičnim postoje kada se u 'dominantnom ključu' dirdem počinje shvaćati u uskom značenju i imaginariju. Tako se dirdem često svodi na pitanje referenduma i to shvaćenog u njegovom 'državotvornom' obliku, kao dirdem oblik nacionalne države, kao 'glas građana' u inače tekućem i uobičajenom obliku 'državne politike'. Nešto poput slike atomiziranih i fragmentiranih 'pojedinaca' koji svako toliko odlučuju o 'državnom poslu'. Karakteristično za ovaj diksurs je to da se u njemu pitanje kapitala (i relacije sa državom) uopće ne postavlja, čak štoviše, kapital i dalje često ostaje 'nepolitičko' i 'objektivno' pitanje, a time i samo 'čitanje' i politika na strani kapitala (Harry Cleaver. Reading Capital Politically). Pored toga, da se referendum može lako instrumentalizirati potrudili su se pokazati i 'demokratski dušebrižnici' sa brojnim primjerima koji se onda nastoje upotrijebiti protiv same ideje dirdema, praćeno sa argumentom kako većina često puta nije u pravu, što je u nekim slučajevima i točno. Međutim sve to ne može biti argument protiv referenduma, a još manje protiv dirdema u cjelini jer kao što referendum nepobitno ima osnažujuće (eng. empowering) dimenzije za 'građane' tako ni sam dirdem nije svodiv samo na pitanje referenduma, posebno u svojem povijesnom značenju i genealogiji.

No to može ukazati da referendum sam po sebi i u vakuumu ne govori puno, da je kao čisti pojam nesavršen, da se uvijek događa u nekom širem kontekstu (izvan samih sfera 'politike') i da o njemu ovisi. To je još više slučaj ako u obzir uzmemo šira pitanja eksploatacije i emancipacije, a posebno ona koja u fokusu imaju i političku ekonomiju kapitalizma (bez koje je bespredmetno analizirati i emancipaciju i slobodu). Za takve se primjere dirdema potrebno odmaknuti od shvaćanja povezanog sa državom (i referendumima) jer se takvi primjeru tu ne mogu ni naći. Ali gdje ih onda tražiti? Odgovor leži onkraj same studentske populacije, a njegov se trag, zahvaljujući njihovoj artikulaciji i borbi, barem simbolički može potražiti ovih dana i na ulicama Hrvatske. U približavanju ideje dirdema 'običnim građanima' te su se ideje približile onima čija baština izvorno i jesu – radnicima i radnicama, posebno onima koji samosvjesno i organizirano djeluju na svojem samooslobođenju. Upravo se tu mogu potražiti emancipatorski sadržaji dirdema.

Tako se i 'novina' dirdema pokazuje kao ustvari 'stari princip' organiziranja obespravljenih, star skoro 150 godina, star također koliko i organizirani radnički pokret. Prvo organizirano međunarodno radničko udruženje (tzv. Prva Internacionala) nastalo je na primjer ne samo kao spontani izraz radnika (Laslo Sekelj. Komunizam i država), već je od početka, u velikom djelu svojeg članstva (a posebno onom pod utjecajem Proudhona) imalo i dirdem princip organiziranja, kao i direktno demokratske vizije društva kojima se nastojalo izmijeniti postojeće stanje eksploatacije i neslobode. Ovaj je pokret u svojem organiziranju sadržavao i 'kritiku političke ekonomije' kapitalizma. Ona je štoviše predstavljala jedno od njegovih centralnih mjesta (zahvaljujući Marxu), a sama uvodna preambula statuta te organizacije započela je karakterističnom anarhističkom parolom kako "oslobođenje radničke klase treba biti djelo samih radnika". Ovdje namjera nije svojatati ideje dirdema već uputiti na njihovo dugo postojanje i formativni kontekst, dekonstruirati njihovu 'novinu' i istaknuti problematičnost olakog (ili redukcionističkog) uvrštavanja istog u generalni pojam 'dirdema', posebno u vezi sa značenjima koja taj pojam u nekim kontekstima može dobiti.

Ukoliko se značenje dirdema kao 'demokracije države' u najboljem slučaju shvati kao suupravljanje (španj. co/gestion), onda se njemu može supostaviti značenje dirdema kao 'demokracije radnika', odnosno kao samoupravljanja (špan. auto/gestion). Takvi oblici samoupravnog dirdema često su nicali i kao radnicima prirodni oblici organizacije tokom njihovih borbi za svoja neposredna prava (u štrajkovima) i borbi za radikalnu transformaciju postojećeg (kao u Pariškoj Komuni čiju smo 140. godinu obilježili u ožujku, ili u ruskim sovjetima 1905. i 1917. godine, Španjolskoj revoluciji 1936. godine itd.). Taj je oblik dirdem svoju ulogu manje shvaćao kao 'poboljšanje države', a puno je više pažnje davao 'oslobođenju zajednice' i to često puta čak nasuprot državi kao 'iluzornoj zajednici' apstraktnog općeg interesa iza čije se apstraktnosti skoro pa po pravilu kriju partikularni interesi (Marx) - kapitala i države. U shvaćanju 'starog' dirdema država se vidi kao problem, kao 'struktura' koja nije neutralna i odvojena, a posebno u svojoj relaciji sa kapitalom gdje je granica između tih 'relativno autonomnih sfera' itekako zamagljena i nejasna. Nakon iskustva 'real-socijalizma' gdje se moglo vidjeti da kapital lako može sebe reproducirati i unutar državnih oblika, čak i sa nominalno kolektivnim (državnim) vlasništvom nad sredstvima za njegovu reprodukciju – a gdje je često bilo pitanje 'tko upravlja nad kime' – sumnje u ovu granicu samo su se povećale.

Dirdem kao samoupravljanje tako nije okrenut toliko 'državnim' i 'političkim' snagama koliko je okrenut svojim vlastitim snagama, okrenut ne tek suupravljanju 'odvojenom sferom politike' kojom se nastoji utjecati na svakidašnjost, već i na samu svakidašnjost i konkretne i neposredne borbe koje se tamo odvijaju, a koje kao takve često ne ulaze u službene formate 'politike'. Ideja dirdema kao samoupravljanja nije tek ideja pukog preuzimanja i kolektivnog upravljanja zatečenim oblikom države, ekonomije i njihove interakcije, nego u sebi sadrži i redefiniranje samih tih institucija i praksi.

U 'ovom se ključu' problem kapitalizma i države ne vidi samo kao problem distribucije moći ili upravljanja, korumpiranih i neopozivnih političara ili pohlepnih kapitalista i premale participacije u svemu tome, već se prije svega vidi kao problem načina produkcije i odnosa moći. I upravo u tome leže mnoge zavrzlame, pitanja i dileme. Dobar dio radničkog pokreta bio je svjestan ovog problema, kao i problema da se postojeći 'državotvorni' oblici ne mogu tek preuzeti i jednostavno usmjeriti za emancipacijske ciljeve – jer su velikim dijelom sastavni dio kapitala, a i sami reproduciraju/rekonstituiraju kapital – već da se za emancipaciju moraju razviti novi modeli ne samo odlučivanja, nego i slobodnih udruženja (asocijacija) u koje država kao institucija čak i teorijski teško ulazi. Ishodište te politike nije tako bila država, nego mjesta u kojima su radnici bili neposredno eksploatirani (radna mjesta) i u kojima su obitavali (zajednica), ali koja su ujedno i mjesta u kojima su situirane njihove snage. Ista ta mjesta, a ne država, bila su i centar njihovog samoupravnog odlučivanja. U tom imaginariju struktura odlučivanja nije bio izolirani pojedinac koji glasa na nacionalnom (centraliziranom ili državnom) nivou, nego pojedinac koji glasa unutar tih mjesta i njihovih savjeta, a koji se onda putem federalističkog (decentraliziranog) principa i opozivih delegata povezuju u veće jedinice (asocijaciju asocijacija, zajednicu zajednica ili komunu komuna). U takvom poimanju sama potreba za državom velikim dijelom nestaje, a samoupravljanje zaista i postaje praksa samooslobođenja. Na kraju, njihova praksa dirdema kao samoupravljanja pokazuje i to da su te prakse i ranije bile moguće, te da se njihova 'nemogućnost' ne može objašnjavati tehnološkim razvojem (nedovoljno razvijenim produkcijskim snagama) nego prije svega odnosima moći (produkcijskim odnosima), u kojima radnici kao subjektivna snaga jedino i imaju mjesta za aktivnu borbu. U tom se smislu nužnost za samoupravljanjem kao organizacijom vlastitih snaga nanovo artikulira i u današnjici.

No, smisao prisjećanja na ova minula iskustva dirdema kao samoupravnog pokreta nije u nostalgiji za slavljenjem velikih borbi obespravljenih koje su toliko snažno utjecale na svijet u kojem živimo (te posebno na socijalna prava koja imamo a koja danas moramo braniti). Smisao prisjećanja je u kritičkom reaktiviranju sadašnjosti, promišljanju tekućih debata o alternativama i produbljivanju samog značenja i praksi dirdema. Po mojem sudu referenca na dirdem kao samoupravni pokret ne samo da može biti plodonosna nego nam je i nužna, posebno u kontekstu u kojem su 'stari' oblici moći (klasna eksploatacija, klasni sukob, državno opsluživanje kapitala) ne samo prisutni, nego i konstitucijski dio same te stvarnosti i u kojem opasnost od omekšavanja, instrumentaliziranja i kooptiranja itekako prijeti. Dakako i sam ovaj tekst pati od nedostataka te nema pretenziju objasniti kompleksnost cijele situacije, posebno u kontekstu tekuće krize u kojoj se rezovi, u povijesnoj komparaciji, susreću sa jalovim otporom 'obespravljenih' i sa fragmentiranom radničkom klasom (a na čijoj 'subjektivnosti' dobar dio stavova počiva). Sve su to samo daljnja pitanja sa kojima se treba nositi i na koje se treba osvrnuti i tražiti odgovore, a tu ne sumnjam da nam referiranje i reflektiranje na dirdem kao samoupravljanje, kao živi pokret i iskustvo samih radnika, može biti od pomoći.

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