Anarhofeminizam

Slika 1 - Mujeres Libres

Anarhofeminizam je, najkraće rečeno, grana anarhizma koja stavlja emancipaciju žena u središte cjelokupne anarhističke borbe. Anarhofeminizam bi zapravo trebao biti nepotreban s obzirom na to da se anarhizam protivi svim oblicima opresije i hijerarhije. Ako zaista misle ovo potonje, anarhisti bi se trebali boriti protiv opresije žena ili je bar ne podržavati. Anarhizam bez feminizma je čista hipokrizija. Ali na žalost, praksa nije uvijek slijedila teoriju. Činjenica jeste da smo svi produkti društvenih okolnosti i zbog toga anarhisti nisu mogli, i sami bivajući dijelom hijerarhijske strukture, uopće percipirati sve vrste hijerarhija. Kao i ostali muškarci, nisu (bili) sposobni prepoznati opresiju žena na način na koji su je žene prepoznale. Kropotkin je, na primjer, očekivao od žena da budu politički aktivne, ali je smatrao da žene na listi prioriteta trebaju staviti feminizam ispod odanosti muškoj radničkoj klasi. Iako je vrlo malo anarhista smatralo žene inferiornima sebi, mnogi su anarhisti jednostavno ignorirali anarhistkinje. Smatrali su da žene trebaju uzeti svoju slobodu poslije revolucije. Htjeli su, kao Kropotkin, da feminizam ostave po strani i pomognu muškarcima u borbi protiv hijerarhije. Često su žene ostavljali kući i preuzeli na sebe reformaciju društva kroz radnička organiziranja. Ipak, nekolicina anarhista je podržavala feministički pokret. Bakunjin je, na primjer, primijetio da je u očima zakona najobrazovanija, najinteligentnija i najtalentiranija žena inferiorna najneukijem i najglupljem muškarcu i da jednaka prava moraju pripadati i ženama i muškarcima. Moses Herman je u svom časopisu Lucifer pozivao žene na emancipaciju, kritizirao brak kao instituciju koja vrši opresiju nad ženama i propagirao slobodnu ljubav. Bilo je još ponekih, ali te muškarce većina anarhista nije uzimala ozbiljno. I onda su nastupile anarhofeministkinje. One su, kako samo ime kaže, dijelile stavove s anarhistima ali su naprosto počele prakticirati teoriju anarhista. U svoj su fokus stavile rodnu nejednakost unutar obitelji, što su anarhisti potpuno ignorirali, i smatrale su da reforma zakona sama ne može donijeti jednakost. Anarhofeministkinje su zahtijevale kontracepciju jer su smatrale da česta rađanja slabe žene i „proizvode“ bolesnu djecu.

Slika 2 - Emma Goldman

Nisu se, međutim, anarhofeministkinje sukobljavale samo s anarhistima. Kad je krajem 19.st., u periodu koji se u povijesti feminizma naziva prvim valom (a koji traje od 17.st. do otprilike ranog 20.st) krenuo suffrage, borba žena za pravo na glasovanje, anarhofeministkinje poput Emme Goldman i Voltairine de Cleyre se nisu s njim slagale, smatrajući da glasački listić muškarcima i ženama daje samo privid moći jer su i dalje kontrolirani/e od strane države. Osim par iznimaka, sufražetkinje nije zanimala država i ekonomija. Ovo je, naravno, za anrhofeministkinje bilo suludo jer su smatrale državu i patrijarhat androcentričnim strukturama koje zajedno treba uništiti. Razlika u klasama je bila još jedan faktor koji je odvojio anarhofeministkinje i sufražetkinje. Na uzorku od 10 žena iz obje grupe, 50% anarhofeministkinja je bilo iz niže klase, a sufražetkinja iz srednje 70% i 30% iz više klase. Zbog ovoga sufražetkinje su htjele svojim glasom sudjelovati u postojećem društvu dok su anarhofeministkinje htjele sasvim drugačije društvo. Šta se kasnije desilo, svaka povijest feminizma piše – sufražetkinje su postigle svoj cilj a anarhofeministkinje su, odbačene i od sufražetkinja i od anarhista, vrlo malo napredovale, iako su kasnije bitno utjecale na feminizam 60-ih i 70-ih godina 20.st. Treba spomenuti neke žene i grupe koje su ostavile trag u povijesti anarhofeminizma. Emma Goldman je svakako ostavila dubok trag. Smatra se začetnicom anarhofeminizma. Ona je prva kritizirala nejednakost spolova u nuklearnoj porodici. Protivila se kapitalizmu koji je činio žene jeftinom radnom snagom i seksualnim objektima. Poticala je obrazovanje žena o kontracepciji, (zbog čega je bila nekoliko puta zatvarana), kritizirala brak i propagirala slobodnu ljubav. Voltairine de Cleyre je smatrana začetnicom tzv. klasične anarhofeminističke teorije zajedno s Emmom Goldman. Također je bila protiv institucije braka, države i dominacije religije nad seksualnošću žena. Bila je protiv kapitalizma i monetarnog sistema kao takvog. Njena obrana direktne akcije u istoimenom eseju iz 1912. godine široko je citirana. Protivila se vojsci, tvrdeći da samo njeno postojanje potencira rat. Margaret Sanger je u svojim kritikama braka i zahtijevanju kontracepcije bila ispirirana Emmom Goldman. U svom časopisu „The woman rebel“ iz 1914. godine, koji je nosio slogan „Bez bogova, bez gospodara“ štampala je članke Emme Goldman i Voltairine de Cleyre. Lucy Parsons je bila borac (borkinja? toliko o rodnoj ravnopravnosti u jeziku) za radnička prava Afroamerikanki i Afroamerikanaca. U vremenu prije postizanja prava na glasovanje od strane sufražetkinja 1920. godine, govorila je o tome da čak i da žene imaju glasačke listiće, kapitalisti će smanjivati plaće na leđima žena.

Slika 3 - Voltairine de Cleyre

U Argentini 1890- ih godina anarhofeministkinje počele su štampati časopis „Glas žene“. To je bio prvi glas anarhofeminizma u Latinskoj Americi. Časopis je pozivao žene da se mobiliziraju protiv opresije kao žene i kao radnice. Kina je iznjedrila feminizam koji je bio u suprotnosti s kineskim nacionalistima, a koji su htjeli emancipaciju žena zbog „gradnje nacije“. Anarhofeministkinje poput He Zhen bile su za uništenje klasa i za prava žena da same određuju kako će živjeti svoj život. Za nju je opresija žena bila neosporivo povezana s klasnom podjelom. Kad su u vrijeme španjolske revolucije 1936. godine žene vidjele da ih anarhisti ne tretiraju s poštovanjem, osnovale su anarhofeminističku organizaciju Mujeres Libres. Uspjele su mobilizirati preko 20,000 žena i organizirale s njima velik broj aktivnosti namijenjen osnaživanju i obrazovanju žena. Rote Zora je njemačka anarhofeministička organizacija nastala 70-ih godina i nastavila se na 80-te, u vremenu drugog vala feminizma koji je trajao od otprilike kasnih 40-ih do ranih 90-ih godina. Organizacija je napadala dominantno patrijarhalne institucije, kompanije i osobe koje su reprezentirale i hranile muško seksističko društvo. U Boliviji je 1992. nastala anarhofeministička ulična umjetnička grupa pod nazivom Mujeres Creando sa sloganom „No dios, ni amo, ni partido, ni marido“ (Ni bog, ni gospodar, ni stranka, ni muž). Poznate su po svojoj borbi protiv homofobije i heteroseksizma.

VIŠE O TEORIJI

Kako sam već napisala, anarhofeminizam kao pojam i pokret je nepotreban jer je anarhizam inherentno feministički. Isto tako mora stajati, iako to ne vrijedi za sve feminizme, da je feminizam inherentno anarhistički. Nije pogrešno reći da je feminizam borba žena protiv opresije žena od strane muškaraca, ali bilo bi, zapravo, ispravnije zamijeniti ovo „muškarci“ i „žene“ s „jedna i druga grupa ljudskih bića“, gdje jedna grupa tlači drugu po jednom određenom ključu, u ovom slučaju, ženskom ključu. Ali upravo je taj ključ bio povod za ekskluzivnost i apstrahiran; muškarci potlačuju žene pa se kritika opresije zadržava samo na na tom ključu. Nije dovoljno samo kritizirati negativne efekte apstraktnog patrijarhata na apstraktne žene, stvari se moraju konkretizirati da bi se počeo rješavati problem – mora se u obzir uzeti klasna podjela, seksualna orijentacija, rodni identitet, boja kože, nacionalnost, itd. Ti faktori rađaju, nesumnjivo, razne oblike opresije, ali svima im je zajednički patrijarhat. Osim toga, patrijarhat je hijerarhijski sistem i ako ga kao takvog posmatramo i shvatimo ga kao uzrok problema, ne smijemo se suzdržati i od kritike i borbe protiv ostalih hijerarhija. Kontradiktorno je kritizirati patrijarhat a istovremeno zahtijevati da žene ravnopravno sudjeluju u još jednoj hijerarhiji, kapitalizmu. Gdje postoji hijerarhija, postoji i opresija, kako ona u ženskom ključu tako i ostale. Feministkinje bi trebale nastaviti posao kojeg su započele i kao kritičarke hijerarhijskog sistema proširiti kritiku i na ostale hijerarhijske sisteme, još pogotovo što se sve hijerarhije međusobno preklapaju i hrane, tako da u tom poslu ne bi ni ostavile po strani opresiju po ženskom ključu. Zato smatram da bi pravi feminizam morao biti inherentno anarhistički.

Slika 4 - Mujeres Libres

Anarhofeministkinje vide da su autoritarne karakteristike i vrijednosti, kao što su agresivnost, kompetitivnost, eksploatacija, itd. cijenjene u hijerarhijskim sistemima i redovito shvaćene kao muške. Neautoritarne karakteristike i vrijednosti kao što su kooperacija, dijeljenje, empatija, senzibilnost, toplina itd. tradicionalno su smatrane ženskima i kao takve nevrednovane u hijerarhijskim sistemima. Anarhofeministkinje misle da je takva podjela započela s pojavom patrijarhalnih društvenih sistema u brončanom dobu u kojem su se gore navedene tzv. ženske karakteristike počele smatrati inferiornima, jer je muškarcu u patrijarhalnom društvu bila dodijeljena uloga onoga koji dominira i eksploatira. Zato su anarhofeministkinje uvele pojam „feminizacija društva“, referirajući se na društvo bez hijerarhija temeljeno na međusobnoj suradnji, pomoći, dijeljenju, itd. Anarhofeminizam se zalaže da direktnu akciju manjih grupa umjesto kreiranja masovnih kampanja mainstream feministkinja i ne misle da će jednakosti doprinijeti izabiranje šefica, političarki, vojnikinja, itd. Obrazovanje žena o tome kako da postanu eksploatatorke i i opresorke nije put prema jednakosti. Ili riječima Mujeres Libres: „Mi ne želimo zamijeniti mušku hijerarhiju ženskom“. Anarhofeministkinje pod jednakost spolova podrazumijevaju ukidanje opresije muškaraca nad muškarcima, žena nad ženama i muškaraca nad ženama. Za anarhofeministkinje brak je uvijek bio, posebno onaj kršćanski, „dok nas smrt ne rastavi“, institucija koja je pristajala uz suverenitet muškarca dok je ženu pretvarala u sluškinju njegovih želja i komandi. Umjesto toga, anarhofeministkinje predlažu slobodnu ljubav, odnosno, veze i familije dogovorene slobodnim pristankom ravnopravnih osoba. Takva uređenja nisu trebala biti amenovana od strane države i Crkve, jer dvije osobe ne trebaju, kao je to rekla Ana Maria Mozzoni (iako je bila sufražetkinja) dozvolu od treće osobe da odu u krevet. S obzirom na to da ni Crkva ni država ne smiju govoriti ženi šta da čini sa svojim tijelom, logično je da žene moraju imati kontrolu nad svojim reproduktivnim organima. Anarhofeministkinje a i anarhisti općenito su zato „pro- choice“. Ako bi se feministkinje generalno mogle podijeliti na esencijalistkinje, dakle, one koje misle da su razlike između muškaraca i žena inherentne u prirodi i konstrukcionistkinje, one koje smatraju da su te razlike uvjetovane socijalizacijom, onda bi anarhofeministkinje spadale u drugu skupinu. Anarhofeministkinje misle da su razlike između spolova više potencirane da bi se stvorila hijerarhijska struktura nego što one zaista postoje u prirodi. Smatraju da bi se i muškarci i žene trebali osloboditi tih patrijarhalnih, hijerarhijskih struktura koje nas samo udaljuju i prave strancima te predlažu nekakav androgini ideal u kojem nećemo osjećati pritisak da odaberemo tradicionalno određene isključivo ženske ili muške uloge, karakteristike, prakse, itd. nego da ćemo moći slobodno birati. Iako je još Emma Goldman bila vrlo aktivna u lezbijskim pokretima, detaljnijih i artikuliranijih rasprava o heteropatrijarhatu, homofobiji i sl. nije bilo do drugog vala feminizma. Tokom 70-ih godina, radikalne feministkinje su ekstenzivno analizirale probleme heteropatrijarhalne opresije i došle do zaključka da bi žene trebale odlučiti da žive kao lezbijke kako bi se borile protiv patrijarhata. I to ne samo lezbijke; radikalne feministkinje oštro su kritizirale butch- femme tip lezbijskog odnosa (butch je lezbijka koja adaptira mušku patrijarhalnu ulogu u svim aspektima; odjeća, frizura, uloga u seksu, itd. a femme je lezbijka koja adaptira žensku patrijarhalnu ulogu u navedenim aspektima) koji se, iako je, naravno, postojao i mnogo ranije, striktno hijerarhijski i ekskluzivistički oblikovao i popularizirao tokom 40- ih i 50-ih godina. Protiv takve hijerarhijske prakse koja je oponašala patrijarhalne heteroseksualne brakove bile su i anarhofeministkinje, samo što se nisu slagale s metodama rješavanja problema tih praksi koje su predlagale radikalne feministkinje. Radikalne feministkinje koje su prihvatile lezbijstvo kao političku strategiju u borbi protiv patrijarhata imale su vrlo autoritarne stavove prema ženama, govoreći im šta da misle o heteroseksualnim odnosima i kako da žive svoj život. Anarhofeministkinje su upućivale na to da se radikalne feministkinje ne bi smjele služiti autoritarnim metodama i ograničavati ženama slobodu iz strateških i moralnih razloga. Pod strateškim razlogom mislim to da se ne bi mogao održati „sisterhood“ kojeg su radikalne feministkinje naširoko propagirale jer će se ženski pokret raspasti zbog ograničavanja slobode. Osim toga, nisu mislile da kritiku treba upućivati ženama i njihovim individualnim razmišljanjima nego patrijarhatu koji je pravi uzrok problema. Moralni razlog mislim da ne trebam objašnjavati.

Slika 5 - Mujeres Libres (scena iz filma Libertarias)

Što se tiče pornografije, i radikalne i anarhofeministkinje vide objektivizaciju i nasilje nad ženama kao problem. Ali opet, neslaganje se javlja oko metoda borbe. Anarhofeministkinje su, kao i anarhisti, za direktnu akciju i ne vjeruju da bi zakoni koji bi zabranili pornografiju donijeli slobodu, za što su, recimo, mnoge radikalne feministkinje bile. Anarhofeministkinje su uvijek kritizirale hijerarhijsku strukturu i program ženskih pokreta i udruga kao i tendenciju ka separiranju žena i ne uzimanju u obzir aspekte o kojima sam gore navela (klasna podjela, seksualna orijentacija, rodni identitet, boja kože, nacionalnost, religija). Iako su radikalne feministkinje u mnogo čemu bile bliske anarhofeministkinjama, često su zaboravljale konkretizirati opresije. Nije ista opresija koju doživljava žena iz radničke klase i ona iz buržoazije, a nije ni ista opresija crne žene iz radničke klase od strane bijele kapitalistkinje ili kapitalista i tako dalje. Takozvano „univerzalno žensko iskustvo“ o kojem su jedno vrijeme govorile radikalne feministkinje jednostavno, zato, ne stoji. Postoji još jedna grupa žena koja je bila konstantno ignorirana od strane radikalnih feministkinja, a to su transseksualne žene (žene rođene kao biološki muškarci). Tada su ih radikalne feministkinje isključivale jer su smatrale rod isključivo društvenim konstruktom i nisu vjerovale da postoje biološki muškarci koji osjećaju da im je rod ženski (MTF, male to female, transseksualne žene) i biološke žene čiji je rod bio muški (FTM, female to male, transseksualni muškarci). Postoje problemi pre i postoperativnih transseksualnih žena, na primjer, i doživljavanje opresije među samo te dvije skupine su vrlo različite, da ne govorim o nijansama potreba, želja, vizija o sebi, itd. Danas feminističke udruge obraćaju premalo pažnje na transseksualne žene pa se onda te žene separiraju po svojim udrugama. Anarhofeministkinje su uvijek tvrdile sljedeće: kapitalizam, rasizam, nacionalizam, patrijarhat, homofobija, mizoginija, bifobija, transfobija, svi hijerarhijski sistemi surađuju među sobom i nemoguće je, prvo, očekivati da će uspjeh donijeti rušenje jedne od tih hijerarhija bez da se sruše i ostale a drugo, čak i ako se malo ublaži opresija unutar jedne hijerarhije, sigurno je da to neće biti dugog vijeka zbog međusobne suradnje tih hijerarhija. Zato je potrebno simultano raditi protiv svih vrsta hijerarhija a ne hijerarhizirati borbe protiv hijerarhija.

KRITIKA LIBERALNIH FEMINISTIČKIH I LGBZ UDRUGA U HRVATSKOJ

Liberalne feministkinje ne žele opresiju žena jer smatraju da je nepravedna i štetna i misle da su riješile problem time što su ishodile ženama pravo na rad, a ne vide da je isto tako nepravedno i štetno da su žene na tom radu eksploatirane, izložene seksizmu, seksualno zlostavljane na razne načine itd. Odnosno, vide one seksizam i zlostavljanje na radu, ali misle da će ga riješiti tako da pljuju po šefovima i državi očekujući od njih da se „srede“ i prestanu vršiti opresiju nad ženama, a uporno ne vide da se problemi neće riješiti budu li nastavile samo krpati hijerarhiju a ne nastojati da je kompletno ukinu. Osim što rade Sizifov posao, samo si ga nagomilavaju i nagomilavaju bez kraja.

Slika 6 - "Lovely"

Liberalnom feminizmu, očito, kapitalizam ne smeta. On a priori egalitaristički potiče žene da u njemu sudjeluju i samo se brine da žene pogura na radna mjesta, ali kakve žene i na koja radna mjesta, to nakon „guranja“ više nije njegov problem; je li žena eksploatirana ili eksploatira, to ga ne zanima. Sanja Sarnavka, predsjednica udruge B.a.B.e., na primjer, sudjeluje u Facebook prosvjedima za rušenje vlade i govori da bi Kosorica trebala zaštititi nas, a ignorira činjenicu (ili je nije svjesna) da je Kosoricu upravo njena udruga indirektno postavila na položaj premijerke propagirajući liberalni egalitaristički stav da žena na svakom području zaposlenja treba biti jednako koliko i muškaraca. Ona prosvjeduje zajedno s ostalima samo protiv jedne stranke umjesto da, kao osoba na čelu udruge koja navodno želi učiniti temeljitiju promjenu u društvu, kritizira cjelokupni ekonomsko-politički sistem. Vjerovatno je zajedno s ostalima zgrožena činjenicom da vladajuća stranka uporno ne želi odstupiti unatoč volji naroda, a ne vidi ili ne želi vidjeti da njena udruga sastavlja svoje programe i projekte, artikulira svoje zahtjeve i propagira svoje stavove potpuno neovisno o volji žena za čiji interes navodno radi. Mene Sarnavka nije pitala šta mislim o, na primjer, projektu njene udruge „Utiranje puta od siromaštva i nasilja ka financijskoj i emocionalnoj stabilnosti“ na kojem surađuje s Evropskom unijom, a sigurna sam da nije pitala ni druge žene. Ne samo da nismo upitane nego nismo ni informirane; koliko je projekata financirano iz EU fondova, koji su ishodi tih projekata, koliko novaca udruga dobiva od države i i na što ga troši, itd. nije naznačeno na Internet stranici udruge. Njen rad je nevidljiv, za razliku od same Sarnavke, umjesto da je obratno. Na žalost, žene za čija se prava „B.a.B.e“ bore redovito su apstraktne žene bez klasnog obilježja. Kad se i osvrnu na ženu kao radnicu, recimo, u slučaju radnica Kamenskog, „B.a.B.e“ samo pozivaju institucije da rade svoj posao, ne trudeći se kritizirati državu i kapitalizam. Nije ovo slučaj samo sa Sarnavkom i njenom udrugom. Kod nas se stvorila jedna među klasa liberalnih feminističkih udruga koje su dobro plaćene i potpuno neefikasne i koje se uopće ne trude da obrazuju žene o feminizmu što bi nam vrlo dobro došlo jer žene generalno, naime, nemaju o feminizmu pojma. Ta klasa feministkinja je potpuno odvojena, kako rekoh, od žena. One su gore a mi smo dole. Ne bi li bilo logično da i mi sudjelujemo, kad se već o nama radi? Povremeni javni nastupi, žaljenje na Milinovićev zakon o umjetnoj oplodnji, ukazivanje na nepoštivanje sekularizma zbog čega su žene pod utjecajem crkvenog patrijarhata, upiranje prstom na seksističku reklamu sa ženom koja ima bocu pića među grudima je dobro, ali nije ni izbliza dovoljno. Takve stvari ne čine promjenu vrijednu spomena. Sigurna sam da im jako dobar osjećaj daje primanje zlostavljanih žena u svoja skloništa ali osim dobrog osjećaja, od toga nema nikakve vajde; malo tješenja i govorkanja o ženskim pravima i onda vraćanje tih žena nazad njihovim nasilnim muževima/ljubavnicima/očevima/stričevima/braći itd.(jer ne mogu ih držati u skloništu vječno a i da mogu, ni to ne bi bilo nikakvo rješenje) je odgađanje problema, a ne rješavanje istog. Ne bi li bilo, recimo, efikasnije napraviti skloništa za nasilne muškarce i tamo ih psihijatrijski tretirati? Problem rodne nejednakosti nije riješen činjenicom da danas žene mogu biti direktorice, menadžerice, spisateljice, profesorice, itd. jer muškarci i dalje u svim klasama imaju dominantan položaj u odnosu na žene (naše postratne nacionalističke i patrijarhalne tendencije tome samo pomažu). Uz to, dešava se odvajanje klasa i time izostanak solidarnosti između žena više i niže klase, odnosno, nema solidarnosti žena više klase sa ženama niže klase a isto se dešava i s muškarcima, tako da svi zajedno ostajemo u hijerarhiji. Rješenje liberalnog feminizma je, metaforički rečeno, dati osobi koju boli zub analgetik a ako se opet pojavi bol pošto djelovanje lijeka prestaje, opet analgetik. Anarhofeminizam rješenje vidi u odlasku zubaru/ici. Nikuda nećemo dospjeti ako nastavimo žene gurati u postojeći iskvareni, štetni hijerarhijski sistem pokušavajući zakrpati jednu rupu dok se istovremeno napravilo njih još deset. U sistemu u kojem jedni uništavaju sve i svakoga radi pohlepnog gomilanja kapitala a drugi bivaju robovi prvih ne može doći ni do kakvog oslobođenja, ni žena niti ikog drugog.

Slika 7 - ZG Pride

Prije nego što krenem na kritiku liberalnih LGBT udruga, objasnit ću zašto uopće govorim o LGBT udrugama kad je ovdje riječ o feminizmu. Spomenula sam Emmu Goldman i Mujeres Creando među nekima koje su bile vrlo aktivne u lezbijskim pokretima. Zašto lezbijke treba uvrstiti u feminizam je evidentno – i one su žene. Ali ja ovdje spominjem LGBT udruge koje se bave, ili bi se trebale baviti, LGBT osobama. Kakve one imaju veze s feminizmom? Razlog je također evidentan – patrijarhat je otac homofobije, transfobije i bifobije a feministkinje se bore protiv patrijarhata kao opresivnog sistema. I dok su mnoge lezbijke feministički svjesne ili djelomično svjesne, gay muškarci su potpuno nesvjesni da je homofobija usmjerena na njih oblikovana u potpunosti po ženskoj osnovi. Poznato je da je glavni pokretač homofobije koncentracija na seks, na homoseksualni seks između dva muškarca. Kad homofob razmišlja o seksu između dva muškarca (redovito o pedikaciji odnosno analnom seksu a manje o oralnom seksu ili zajedničkoj masturbaciji) najviše ga razbjesni pomisao na to da je jedan od tih muškaraca u poziciji žene, dakle, pasivan, a ne aktivan. Manja je koncentracija na aktivnog muškarca u gay seksu jer iako homofobima nije draga pomisao na to da aktivni muškarac za seksualnog partnera uzima drugog muškarca a ne ženu, ipak je on tu „pravi“ muškarac, onaj aktivni, onaj koji penetrira u drugu osobu. Mržnja prema pasivnim gay muškarcima je zapravo mržnja prema ženama; kako je taj muškarac mogao sebi dozvoliti da bude tretiran kao žena, a muškarac je? Butch žena homofobima je potpuno neprivlačna i zato je ne doživljavaju kao „pravu“ ženu, ali im ne izaziva toliki bijes kao pasivni gay muškarac; ipak je preuzela nešto što je generalno hvale vrijedno, a to je muški „način“, aktivan i dominantan a pasivni gay muškarac prihvaća ženski „način“, koji nije hvale vrijedan – on postaje submisivan i inferioran u očima homofoba. Biseksualne osobe su također pod udarom patrijarhata ali od gay udruga. Liberalne gay osobe biseksualne osobe smatraju neodlučnima, onima koji sjede na dvije stolice, prevrtljivima itd. To ne dolazi toliko iz njihove nesposobnosti da shvate da postoje osobe koje prirodno privlače oba spola koliko iz osjećaja snažne divizije između dvije suprotne političke barikade, heteroseksualnih s jedne i homoseksualnih osoba s druge strane. Biseksualne osobe su u tom aspektu viđene kao osobe koje skaču s jedne na drugu stranu i zato nisu do kraja lojalne gay pokretu kao što su to gay osobe, a i spavaju s „neprijateljima“ (doslovno u ovom slučaju). Opet se tu ne vidi pravi problem; pravi problem nisu biseksualne osobe koje prirodno naginju ka oba spola i imaju na to svako pravo, problem su patrijarhat i homofobija koja je iz njega izašla i to što oni drže dvije zaraćene strane zaraćenima. Da se problem patrijarhata i homofobije riješi, ne bi bilo potrebno više držati se grčevito za svoju stranu barikade i gajiti antagonizme prema onoj drugoj, a samim tim više ne bi bilo ni mržnje prema onima koji spadaju u spektar između tih dvaju strana. Ali umjesto da se kritizira pravi problem, pojedinci/ke i udruge o tome ili ne govore ništa ili potiču antipatiju prema biseksualnim osobama. Dakle, gay muškarci i biseksualne osobe oba spola trebaju biti dio feminizma jer su svi potlačeni od strane dominantne heteropatrijarhalne kulture i od gay subkulture iz istog razloga – zbog hijerarhije zvane patrijarhat. Ali liberalni LGBT aktivisti ove stvari ili ne vide ili ne obraćaju pažnju na njih. Oni su, isto kao i feminističke udruge, samo orijentirani prema državi a ne prema ljudima. Ovdje moram postaviti isto pitanje: Ne bi li LGBT udruge trebale stupiti u kontakt s LGBT ljudima i pitati ih šta oni žele? Umjesto toga jednom godišnje organiziraju gay paradu sa totalno neinteligentnim transparentima kao što su „Lezbijstvo je radost“, „Oj Hrvatska mati pedere prihvati“ i slično. Franko Dota, iz udruženja Zagreb Pride, prošle je godine prilikom posjete Ivi Josipoviću izjavio da je to velik dan za LGBT osobe zato što je Josipović prvi hrvatski predsjednik koji je primio predstavnike organizacijskog odbora neke gay udruge. Ne vidim kako je ta puka formalnost otvorila vrata ka poboljšanju položaja LGBT osoba u Hrvatskoj. Ove je godine Split Pride predstavio slogan „Različite obitelji, jednaka prava“ što ne samo da nema veze s realnošću (gay obitelji u Splitu?) nego je i strateški pogrešno; bolje bi bilo LGBT osobama koje su duboko u ormaru organizirati neki socijalni prostor prije nego što ih se nagovori na izlaganje ulici. LGBT udruge se žale na homofobiju a jedan kad izađu na ulice ne iskoriste tu priliku za neku smisleniju artikulaciju svojih zahtjeva nego za zabavu. Na sebe ponosni/e govore da će oni uzeti sebi svoja prava i da im je dosta, a cijeli se aktivizam svodi na moljakanje države da ostvari prava LGBT osobama i zabludi da će se država jednom smilovati i omogućiti LGBT osobama ta prava. Kad sam već kod prava, odnosno, konkretno jednog prava, gay braka, podrazumijeva se da ga svaka liberalna gay udruga podržava. Gdje je nestao identitet queer osobe koja kritizira brak kao patrijarhalnu, opresivnu instituciju? Liberalni gay aktivisti, bivajući liberalni, žele samo egalitarističko pravo na instituciju koja je stoljećima služila kao sredstvo za poticanje mizoginije i homofobije. Veći je problem kod mobilizacije LGBT osoba nego što je to s mobilizacijom žena jer LGBT osobe mogu ostati nevidljive. Žene ne mogu da ne budu out kao žene. Zbog ovoga je gay aktivizam mnogo teži, ali situaciju ne olakšavaju stvari koje gay udruge rade. Gay pride je dobra stvar jer potiče vidljivost i skreće pažnju na probleme s kojima se LGBT osobe suočavaju, ali on ne bi smio biti centralna aktivnost gay aktivista niti bi smio biti koncipiran kao velika neinteligentna zabava. Orijentiranost primarno na državu i izostanak sistematske konzultacije s LGBT osobama u Hrvatskoj neće donijeti veću socijalnu promjenu. Dok feministkinjama i gay aktivistima neke stvari ne dođu do glave, stvari će ostati ovakve kakve jesu – hijerarhične i bezizlazne.

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