Kontra-moć (counterpower), participativna demokracija, obrana revolucije: debata o Black Flame-u* , revolucionarnom anarhizmu i historijskom marksizmu

Ovaj članak predstavlja odgovor na kritike široke anarhističke tradicije iznesene u listu International Socialism, novinama Internacionalne socijalističke tendencije (IST)[†][1]. Raspravljati ću o temama poput korištenja izvora, obrani revolucija i slobode, španjolskim anarhistima, anarhizmu i demokraciji, povijesnoj ulozi marksizma i Ruskoj revoluciji.

Članke kojima ću se baviti obilježava pohvalna dobronamjernost, kojoj ću i sam težiti. Članak Paula Blackledgea odbacuje „karikiranu ne-debatu“.[2] Ian Birchall naglašava da su „granice između anarhizma i marksizma često zamućene“.[3] Leo Zeiling hvali Michael Schmidtovu i moju knjigu, Black Flame: the Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism, kao „fascinantan prikaz“.[4]

Važno je ukazati na mjesta u kojima naši stavovi konvergiraju. IST ističe da se zalaže za bazni socijalizam ostvaren putem revolucije. Ako se i pozivaju na Marksa, Lenjina i Trockog, to čine zbog toga što kao „bit“ njihovih radova uzimaju „samo-emancipaciju radničke klase“.[5] Leo inzistira da se pod terminom „diktatura proletarijata“ podrazumijeva jednostavno „demokratska obrana vlasti radničke klase“ putem „organa samo-organizacije; savjeta, sindikata, komuna itd.“.[6]

Prema svim mjerilima, anarhisti podržavaju samo-emancipaciju radničke klase. Za Mihaila Bakunjina i Petra Kropotkina, socijalna je revolucija zahtijevala pokret „radnika i seljaka“, „jedinih dviju klasa sposobnih za tako moćan ustanak“.[7] „Novi društveni poredak“ bio bi izgrađen „od baze prema vrhu“ putem „organizacije i snage radničkih masa“.[8] Narodne klase bi „na sebe preuzele zadatak ponovne izgradnje društva“,[9] putem revolucionarne kontra-moći i kontra-kulture, izvan i protiv vladajuće klase, države i kapitala.

Među nama postoje i stvarne razlike i one zahtijevaju drugarsku ali iskrenu diskusiju. Prvi korak u izbjegavanju „karikirane ne-debate“ znači ozbiljno se pozabaviti onime što Leo naziva „često slabo istraženom“ poviješću široke anarhističke tradicije. Zbog toga je šteta što je Leov kritički osvrt koncentriran na pobijanje (neuvjerljivo, kao što ću pokazati) onoga što u Black Flame-u piše o mainstream marksizmu. Cilj Black Flame-a nije proučavanje marksizma, već 150-godišnje tradicije anarhizma i sindikalizma – masovnog pokreta sa sofisticiranom teorijom, uobičajeno karikiranog od strane marksista.

Benedict Anderson primjećuje da je široka anarhistička tradicija dugo vremena bila „dominantni element samosvjesno internacionalističke radikalne ljevice“, „glavni nosioc globalne opozicije industrijskom kapitalizmu, autokraciji, latifundizmu i imperijalizmu“.[10] U 1950-ima njezini su pokreti često bili veći od njihovih marksističkih rivala. U njenim mračnim godinama, u 1980-ima, ova je tradicija zadržala bitno mjesto u sindikatima i oružanim borbama u Aziji, Latinskoj Americi i južnoj Europi te u kubanskom i sovjetskom podzemlju.[11]

Danas anarhisti predstavljaju centralne figure u „najodlučnijim i najborbenijim pokretima“ suprotstavljenim kapitalističkoj globalizaciji.[12] Sindikalistički samit održan 2007. u Parizu okupio je 250 delegata iz čitavog svijeta, s afrikancima kao najvećom kontinentalnom grupacijom.[13] Svjedočimo globalnom širenju anarhističkih vrijednosti: organiziranja od baze prema vrhu i direktne akcije van službenog političkog sistema.[14]

Slažem se s Paulom i Leom da su anarhisti karikirali marksiste, ali vrijedi i obrnuto – često zbog toga što marksisti koriste nepouzdane i neprijateljski nastrojene izvore, odbacujući druga svjedočanstva kao „liberalna“, itd. Ian se pohvalno distancirao od bizarnih optužbi Hala Drapera da je Bakunjin favorizirao diktaturu, itd.[15] Draper je manipulacijama i fabriciranjem iskrivio anarhističke stavove.[16] Ian umjesto toga citira svjedočanstva bivšeg anarhista Victora Sergea.[17] Međutim, Serge je nepouzdan. On je tvrdio, Ian zapaža, da je anarhosindikalistička grupa Golos Truda „ujedinila snage“ s boljševicima; međutim, ona je zapravo optužila boljševizam za državni kapitalizam i diktaturu, te je bila potisnuta.[18] Materijali samog anarhističkog pokreta – naročito njegovog mainstream djela – zaslužuju temeljitije izučavanje, bez predrasuda.

 

Anarhizam i revolucionarna sila

Da li anarhisti uistinu niječu potrebu da se narodne klase za obranu revolucije „organiziraju ideološki, politički i vojno“, kao što to Paul tvrdi?[19] Leo u vlastitoj recenziji Black Flame-a priznaje da knjiga pokazuje kako je većina anarhističkih struja inzistirala na potrebi za „koordinacijom obrane revolucije od unutrašnjih i vanjskih neprijatelja“.[20] Nekoliko se sindikalista nadalo „revoluciji bez krvi“, ali ne i mainstream.[21]

Bakunjin je želio postojeću „vojsku…sudstvo…policiju“ zamijeniti „permanentnim barikadama“, koordiniranim putem delegata „smjenjivih u svakom trenutku“, i „širenje revolucionarne sile“ među „pobunjenim zemljama“.[22] Ovo je „revolucionarna sila“, iskorištena za emancipaciju, a ne za tlačenje,[23] utemeljena na seljacima i radnicima koji „federiraju“ svoje „borbene bataljune, okrug po okrug, osiguravajući zajedničku koordiniranu obranu protiv unutrašnjih i vanjskih neprijatelja“.[24] Biti anti-autoritaran zahtjeva nasilnu borbu protiv tlačenja; ovo nije nikakva kontradikcija, kao što je to Engels izjavio.[25]

Potrebu za primjenom „revolucionarne sile“ prepoznala je većina ključnih figura, Kropotkin, Petar Aršinov, Alexander Berkman, Camillo Berneri, Buenaventura Durruti, Emma Goldman, Praxedis Guerrero, Li Pei Kan (“Ba Jin”), Liu Sifu (“Šifu”), Ricardo Flores Magón, Errico Malatesta, Nestor Ivanovič Mahno, José Oiticica, Albert Parsons, Domingos Passos, Rudolf Rocker, Shin Ch’aeho i Kim Jao-jin. To je potaknulo stvaranje anarhističkih/sindikalističkih milicija u Kini, Kubi, Irskoj, Koreji/Mandžuriji, Meksiku, Španjolskoj, Rusiji, Ukrajini i Sjedinjenim Državama.[26] To je na primjer bio službeni stav anarhističke većine iz Prve internacionale nakon 1872., sindikalističkog Međunarodnog radničkog udruženja (1922.), Istočne anarhističke lige (1927.), Korejskog narodnog udruženja u Mandžuriji i španjolske Nacionalne konfederacije rada (CNT).

Paul kaže: „Jednom kada društveni pokreti ojačaju dovoljno da ukažu na realnu alternativu za status quo, države će intervenirati sa namjerom da ih unište“.[27] Koji se anarhist ne bi složio s ovim? Tvrditi da anarhisti i sindikalisti ignoriraju državu ekvivalentno je tvrdnji da marksizam ignorira kapitalizam. Anarhistički mainstream se ne slaže s knjigom Change the World Without Taking Power samoproglašenog marksista Johna Hollowaya.[28]

Paul tvrdi da se CNT 1936. pridružio španjolskom Narodnom frontu zbog toga što je anarhistima nedostajao plan za „koordiniranje vojne opozicije Francovim fašistima“.[29] U stvarnosti je ovo pridruživanje prekršilo politiku CNT-a, a potaknuto je strahom od izolacije i istovremene borbe na dva fronta. Još od 1870-ih španjolski su anarhisti težili „uništenju državne moći“ putem „superiorne vatrene moći“.[30] Od 1932. CNT i Federacija anarhista iberije (FAI) organizirali su oružane ustanke, ističući oružanu obranu i koordinaciju putem Nacionalnog revolucionarnog vijeća.[31] Ovo je potvrđeno na kongresima FAI-a i CNT-a 1936.,[32] još je uvijek bilo službena politika u kolovozu 1936., i djelomično je implementirano kroz Aragonsko vijeće.[33] 1937., disidentska skupina Durrutijevi prijatelji potvrdila je ovaj stav, pozivajući na formiranje Nacionalnog vijeća obrane umjesto Narodnog fronta.[34]

 

Anarhizam, demokracija i oružana obrana revolucije

Kako se u ovaj scenarij uklapaju participativna demokracija, rasprava i sloboda? Kao prvo, FAI / CNT / Durrutijevi prijatelji inzistirali su na tome da je koordinirana vojna obrana podređena osnovnim ciljevima revolucije – samoupravljanju, kolektivizaciji i emancipaciji – te narodnim organima kontra-moći. Ponavljajući Bakunjinovu argumentaciju, Nacionalno vijeće obrane bilo bi „izabrano demokratskim glasanjem“, pod imperativnim mandatom (smjenjivo u svakom trenutku, op. prev.).[35] Predaja vlasti u ruke časnicima ili revolucionarnoj kliki uništilo bi revoluciju iznutra jednako sigurno kao što bi to učinio vanjski poraz.

Kao drugo, revolucija se zalaže za slobodarski komunizam, tj. za slobodu, protiv kapitalizma, države i tlačenja. Nasuprot mišljenju pokojnog Tonya Cliffa kako je prihvatljivo da „taktike proturječe principima“,[36] anarhisti inzistiraju na tome da metode moraju odgovarati ciljevima, zbog toga što ih one oblikuju.

Obrana revolucije nužno uključuje obranu participativnih demokratskih procesa i struktura, te političkih i građanskih prava. Demokratska srž kontra-moći ne može biti izrezana kako bi se „spasilo“ revoluciju: ona je u isto vrijeme i njena metoda i njen cilj.

Osnovni sistem bila bi narodna samo-vlada putem radničkih plenuma ili plenuma zajednica i vijeća sastavljenih od delegata pod imperativnim mandatom, uz zaštitu osnovnih prava u svakom trenutku. Kao što je Diego Abad de Santillan napisao, anarhisti se „silom suprotstavljaju onima koji nas pokušavaju podjarmiti u ime svojih interesa ili koncepata“, ali ne „pribjegavaju sili nad onima koji ne dijele naše gledište“.[37]

Legitimna prisila primjenjuje se na izvanjske prijetnje, uključujući kontrarevolucionarnu vladajuću klasu, i na unutrašnji anti-društveni kriminal; većina unutar sustava spriječena je u tlačenju unutrašnjih disidenata i manjina; unutrašnji disidenti spriječeni su u nasilnom remećenju. Anarhizam će biti vodeći revolucionarni program zbog toga što će ga narodne klase slobodno prihvatiti kroz debatu i participativnu demokraciju u više-tendencijskim strukturama kontra-moći.

Odbacivanje marksističke „diktature proletarijata“ od strane mainstream anarhističkog/sindikalističkog pokreta nikada se nije temeljilo na odbacivanju potrebe za obranom revolucije. Ono je proizašlo iz viđenja da je marksistička „diktatura proletarijata“ zapravo „diktatura nad proletarijatom“.

 

„Prava demokracija”, anarhizam i Pariška komuna

Uzevši sve ovo u obzir, neobično je da Paul tvrdi (kopirajući Drapera) kako anarhisti odbacuju „mogućnost prave demokracije“.[38] Ako „demokracija“ podrazumijeva vladavinu naroda, anarhizam je radikalno demokratičan. Bakunjin i Kropotkin su u državi vidjeli centralizirani, hijerarhijski sustav teritorijalne moći, kojim upravlja vladajuća klasa u skladu s vlastitim interesima. Ovdje „sve stvarne aspiracije, sve životne sile zemlje ulaze velikodušno i sretno“, samo kako bi bile „zaklane i pokopane“.[39]

Klasni je sustav definiran, kako odnosima proizvodnje izraženim u nejednakoj kontroli nad sredstvima za proizvodnju, tako i odnosima dominacije izraženim u nejednakoj kontroli nad sredstvima za prisilu kojima se fizički nameću odluke, i administraciju, kojima se upravlja društvom.[40]

Sredstva za prisilu i administraciju centralizirana su u državi, kontrolirana od državnih upravitelja: visokih dužnosnika, sudaca, vojnih zapovjednika, gradonačelnika, zastupnika u parlamentu. Kapitalisti predstavljaju samo dio vladajuće klase; oni koji upravljaju državom uvijek su članovi vladajuće klase; vladajuća klasa je uvijek dominantna, eksploatirajuća manjina; država je centralizirana kako bi ova manjina mogla vladati nad većinom. (Marksisti koriste drugačiju definiciju, ali da raščistimo sada anarhiste.)

Prema tome, za anarhiste se kontra-moć narodnih klasa ne može izraziti kroz državu.[41] Anarhistički anti-etatizam proizlazi iz prepoznavanja duboko anti-narodnog klasnog karaktera države.[42] Umjesto država i korporacija, anarhisti/sindikalisti zagovaraju preuzimanje i restrukturiranje sredstava za proizvodnju, prisilu i administraciju pod režimom autentične participativne demokracije. Bakunjin je tvrdio da kada „cijeli narod vlada“, „neće biti… nikakve vlasti, nikakve države“.[43] Wayne Price tvrdi „Anarhizam je demokracija bez države“.[44]

Paul citira Uria Gordona i Georgea Woodcocka, koji su tvrdili da je anarhizam protiv „demokracije“. Ali jesu li pritom mislili ono što Paul sugerira? Oni su „demokraciju“ definirali kao nametanje „kolektivno obvezujućih“ odluka disidentima, i prigovorili ovome.[45] Nisu se suprotstavili kolektivnim odlukama – samo ovoj pretpostavljenoj prisili. Njihov argument ne bi prihvatila većina anarhista; niti većina anarhista preferira donošenje odluka konsenzusom.[46] Sve ovo međutim nikako ne znači da linija Gordon/Woodcock nema duboko demokratske namjere.

Nema ničega „teško shvatljivog“ u Bakunjinovom slavljenju Pariške komune iz 1871. kao „praktičnog ostvarenja“ anarhističkih ideala.[47] Anarhisti su odigrali ključnu ulogu u komunalističkim ustancima koji su se u to vrijeme odvijali u Francuskoj, Španjolskoj i Italiji; zajedno s prudonistima činili su velik blok u Komunalnom vijeću.[48] Osnovni projekt Komune anticipiran je u Bakunjinovim otvorenim „Pismima Francuzu“ iz 1870., te od strane Proudhona, neposrednog prethodnika revolucionarnog anarhizma.[49] Jedina Bakunjinova i Kropotkinova kritika Komune bila je da ona nije otišla dovoljno daleko s kolektivizacijom i samoupravljanjem, ostavljajući previše moći u rukama Vijeća.[50]

 

Anarhizam, sindikalizam i specifično političke organizacije

Paul sugerira da anarhizam niječe potrebu za revolucionarnim političkim organizacijama koje bi bile u stanju povezati bitke, i boriti se za ideološku jasnoću i revoluciju.[51] U pravu je kada kaže da postoji anarhistička struja koja se protivi specifično političkim organizacijama. U krivu je kada ovu struju prikazuje kao reprezentativnu.

Mnogi ključni anarhisti/sindikalisti zagovaraju specifično političke organizacije, koje surađuju s masovnim organizacijama poput sindikata. Flores Magón ističe „aktivirajuću manjinu, hrabru manjinu slobodara“.[52] Bakunjin, Flores Magón, Kropotkin, Mahno, Oiticica i Šifu također su inzistirali na „organizacijama tendencija“, utemeljenim na političkom jedinstvu i kolektivnoj disciplini (drugi su favorizirali labavije strukture).[53]

„Organizacije tendencija“ uključuju međunarodnu Alijansu za socijalnu demokraciju, španjolski FAI, meksički La Social, kinesko Društvo anarhokomunističkih drugova, poslijeratnu Urugvajsku anarhističku federaciju, itd. One su trebale voditi bitku ideja i promovirati samoinicijativnost, kontra-moć i kontra-kulturu, a ne zamijeniti narodne klase ili njima vladati.

Anarhisti/sindikalisti se ne „protive političkoj borbi“ za prava, ali naglašavaju da ona „mora poprimiti oblik direktne akcije“.[54] Prava trebaju biti izborena odozdo mobilizacijom kontra-moći; sudjelovanje u radu države je neučinkovito, korumpirajuće. Svi naglašavaju važnost revolucionarnih ideja, "nove društvene filozofije", za revolucionarnu promjenu.[55]

 

Shvaćaju li anarhisti pogrešno „marksističku tradiciju”?

Odbacivanje lenjinističkih partija proizlazi iz drugačijih zabrinutosti: argumenta da su ove partije stvorile diktature. Paul smatra da anarhisti „potpuno pogrešno shvaćaju marksizam“, a Leo da Black Flame karikira „klasični marksizam“ nazivajući ga redukcionističkim i autoritarnim.[56]

Ali Paul priznaje da je „racionalna bit“ anarhističke kritike činjenica „da su najmoćniji glasovi koji su u 20. stoljeću za sebe tvrdili da su marksisti bili etatisti (bilo da se radi o staljinističkoj ili o maoističkoj varijanti) koji su predsjedali brutalnim sistemima birokratskog državnog kapitalizma“.[57] Leo priznaje da je anarhistička kritika validna ako „uključimo Kautskog, Staljina i Maa u marksistički kanon“.[58]

To nam je dovoljno. Prema pisanju International Socialism-a i IST-a, Kautsky je dugo vremena bio „najistaknutiji marksistički teoretičar“; Staljin je predstavljao „sovjetski marksizam“, maoizam je oblik „marksizma-lenjinizma“, itd.[59] Tada je prema IST-ovom vlastitom priznanju, mainstream pred-lenjinistički marksizam bio redukcionistički i etatistički; mainstream marksizam 20. stoljeća bio je „staljinistički ili maoistički“; svi marksistički režimi završili su kao državno kapitalističke diktature, uključujući čak i (kako je pokojni Chris Harman izjavio) Sovjetski savez kao „boljševičku diktaturu“ već do 1921.[60]

Nije mi jasno zbog čega Paul tako uvjereno tvrdi da je „bit“ marksizma „samo-emancipacija radničke klase“.[61] Takva su shvaćanja bila prilično neuobičajena u marksističkoj teoriji i praksi, kao što je to i sam Ian pokazao.[62] Iznimke predstavljaju manjinske slobodarske marksističke tradicije poput komunizma vijeća i autonomizma, a ne lenjinizam ili „klasični marksizam“.

Leo tvrdi da Black Flame ponavlja „svakodnevne medijske klišeje“.[63] Ja to priznajem – ako pritom misli na mainstream marksističke medije, velike novine poput Umsebenzi, L’Humanité, New Age, People’s Democracy, Angve Bayan, itd. Ovdje bi se, prema IST-ovom viđenju, jednostavno moglo raditi o „degradiranom“ marksizmu – ali zbog čega bi anarhisti trebali prihvatiti IST-ov sud o tome? Većina ga marksista ne prihvaća.

Ne možemo tvrditi da je „jedinu povijesnu važnost kršćanstva moguće pronaći u čitanju neizmijenjenih verzija Evanđelja“, i ignorirati 2,000 godina crkve i njezinih izdanaka. O marksizmu također treba suditi prema njegovoj povijesti, a ne prema odabranim citatima.[64]

 

Rana „diktatura proletarijata” u Sovjetskom Savezu

Paul inzistira na tome da marksistička „diktatura proletarijata“ jednostavno predlaže „radničku državu“ kako bi se stalo na kraj „eksploatatorskim društvenim odnosima“.[65] Leo dodaje da ovaj „najozloglašeniji od svih koncepata“ jednostavno označava „demokratsku obranu radničke moći“.[66]

Problem je u tome da nije lako pronaći primjer iz stvarnog svijeta; ovo gore je čista pretpostavka. Autori poput Cliffa s nadom su se okrenuli k ranom Sovjetskom Savezu. Navodno je „zemlje... bila podijeljena seljacima, tvornicama... pretvorenim u državno vlasništvo... upravljali su radnici“ a „potlačeni su narodi dobili ... pravo na samoodređenje“. Ako je pritom i poginulo „mnogo stotina tisuća ljudi“, ovo „nije bila posljedica postupaka sovjetskih vlasti“.[67]

Na žalost, činjenice ukazuju na to da je režim Lenjina i Trockog poslužio kao predložak Staljinovom. Zemlja je nacionalizirana, a ne „podijeljena“, dok su „postupci sovjetskih vlasti“ prilikom prisilnih rekvizicija žitarica koštali života milijune ljudi. Seljački ustanci ugušeni su vatrom i mačem: uspostavljena je čelična diktatura nad 90 posto populacije. Industrija je bila „u vlasništvu države“, a ne pod „radničkom kontrolom“: 1919. pojedinačni, od države postavljeni direktori upravljali su s 10.8 posto poduzeća; do 1920., s njih 82 posto.[68] Izbori unutar Crvene armije ukinuti su u ožujku 1918., zapovjedništvo je predano u ruke bivšim carističkim oficirima i partijskim komesarima.

Cliff je optužio Staljina za tejlorizam i rad plaćen po komadu,[69] ali Lenjin je ove politike uveo još 1918.[70] Harman je tvrdio da su sindikati omogućili „radničku kontrolu“.[71] U stvarnosti, ovi „sindikati“su  do 1919. postali tijela pod kontrolom države, aktivna u gušenju štrajkova.[72] Umjesto inzistiranja na tome da se „štrajkove ne smije zabranjivati“,[73] boljševici su ih rutinski gušili, militarizirajući također i industriju.[74] Gušenje Kronstadtskog ustanka imalo je mnogo presedana.[75]

Harman je tvrdio da je boljševizam bio „većinska partija“ u sovjetima. Ovo je vrijedilo samo za nekoliko gradova, tokom nekoliko mjeseci. Poraženi na gradskim izborima 1918., boljševici su odgovorili prekrajanjem izbornih jedinica te raspuštanjem i čistkama sovjeta, suzbijajući oporbu.[76] Moć je centralizirana u rukama vlade (Sovnarkom) i Vrhovnog ekonomskog vijeća (Vesenka); tajne policije (Čeka) i militarizirane Crvene armije; te državne birokracije velikim djelom regrutirane među elementima starog poretka. Tako je 1920. nepopularna partija od 600,000 članova vladala carstvom od 90 milijuna stanovnika. U  nadležnosti Čeke bili su špijuniranje „predstavnika tiska, sabotera, štrajkača“, te pogubljenja po kratkom postupku.[77] Pored 20 puta više pogubljenja u pet godina nego što ih je caristička Okhrana počinila u 50, Čeka je upravljala i mrežom koncentracijskih i radnih logora, „pročišćavanih s vremena na vrijeme masovnim istrebljenjima“.[78]     

Cliff je tvrdio da je unatoč svemu ovome, boljševička manjina bila interno demokratična. Do 1919. partijom se upravljalo od vrha prema dnu, njeno su osoblje sačinjavali aparatčiki; frakcije su zabranjene 1921. a disidenti strpani u zatvore.[79] Rane 1920. Lenjinov je GPU upravljao ogromnom špijunskom mrežom; rutinski su korištena premlaćivanja, tortura i silovanja; lijeva opozicija je zgažena; slobodni izbori za sovjete su onemogućeni.[80] Umjesto „samoodređenja“, Crvena je armija 1919. uspostavila marionetske režime u Bjelorusiji i Ukrajini, Gruziji (1921.), Armeniji i Azerbajdžanu (1922.). U anarhistima predvođenoj Ukrajini sovjeti su zabranjeni, njezine komune uništene, njeni vođe pogubljeni – i to unatoč formalnim sporazumima o suradnji.[81]   

 

Razdvajanje baznog socijalizma od boljševizma

Anarhisti i sindikalisti odbacuju boljševizam upravo zbog toga što brane bazni socijalizam. Paul tvrdi da je Bakunjinova kritika marksističke „diktature proletarijata“ – koja će prema njemu dovesti do „vojničkog“ režima „centraliziranog državnog kapitalizma“[82] – „površna“ i „besmislena“.[83]

Međutim prema svim razumnim mjerilima, Bakunjinovu je teoriju „potvrdio sud povijesti“.[84] International Socialism je pokušao opravdati Lenjinovu i Trockijevu diktaturu pozivajući se na teške okolnosti: kontrarevoluciju, „imperijalizam“, ekonomsku krizu, itd. „Boljševici nisu imali drugog izbora“, kazao je Harman, nego vladati sami: „klasa koju su oni predstavljali se istopila braneći se od te moći“. Moć je ionako s pravom pripadala „jedino onima koji su čitavim srcem podupirali revoluciju... boljševicima“.[85] Cliff je tvrdio da je „pritisak svjetskog kapitalizma“ kasnije prisilio vladare Sovjetskog Saveza da ekonomiju učine „sve sličnijom i sličnijom“ kapitalističkoj.[86]

To neće biti dovoljno. Leo prigovara Black Flame-u to što sugerira da klasični marksizam naginje k ekonomskom redukcionizmu, ali teško da bi bilo moguće naći bolju ilustraciju te tendencije od ovih alibija.

Kontradiktorno je tvrditi da je boljševička ideologija bila esencijalna za navodni uspjeh revolucije, a u isto vrijeme inzistirati na tome da nije imala nikakvog učinka na ishod revolucije. Kontradiktorno je osuđivati sva anarhistička iskustva (poput onog u Španjolskoj) kao isključivu posljedicu ideologije, a ne konteksta, ali u isto vrijeme pravdati sva marksistička iskustva (poput onog u Rusiji) kao isključivu posljedicu konteksta, a ne ideologije.

Leo mora priznati da je određena količina izbora još uvijek moguća u borbi protiv bezličnih sila poput „imperijalizma“, osim ako ne prigrli determinizam „bez izbora“ koji tvrdi da odbacuje. Ako to prizna, onda ne može zanijekati odgovornost boljševika za uništavanje „demokratske obrane radničke moći“. Ako ne prizna, teško da može osuditi Staljina, koji se suočio sa „pritiskom svjetskog kapitalizma“.

Boljševičke odluke vodile su ravno do diktature jedne partije, čak i prije nego što je građanski rat započeo (svibanj 1918.) i još dugo nakon što je završio (studeni 1920.). Ovo je bila direktna posljedica toga što su boljševici inzistirali (kao što je to Harman otkrio) da samo oni zaslužuju vlast: svi su protivnici automatski bili kontrarevolucionari.[87] Suočena s narodnim odbijanjem – od strane seljaka, i neugodno ne baš „istopljenog“ proletarijata putem sovjeta i valova štrajkova 1918.,1919. i 1921. – partija se odlučila održati na vlasti pod svaku cijenu.   

Unatoč nekim iskreno demokratskim elementima Lenjinove misli, njena sveukupna tendencija bila je jednostavna: supstitucionizam (termin u marksističkoj teoriji kojim se označava nadomještanje djelovanja radničke klase djelovanjem revolucionarne partije, op. prev.).[88] Čak i Država i revolucija šuti po pitanju političkog pobijanja u sovjetima: „radnička partija“ će „usmjeravati i organizirati novi sustav“.[89] Za razliku od Lea, koji se nada demokraciji, Lenjin je inzistirao na tome da „diktatura proletarijata ne može biti vršena putem organizacije koja bi obuhvaćala tu čitavu klasu... Nju može vršiti samo avangarda“.[90] Ona, kako je to rekao Trocki, „ima pravo nametnuti svoju diktaturu čak i ako je ta diktatura privremeno u sukobu s prolaznim raspoloženjima radničke demokracije“.[91]

Što se tiče socijalizma, on bi bio hijerarhijski: „Organizirati čitavu ekonomiju po principima poštanske službe... sve pod kontrolom i vodstvom naoružanog proletarijata“ (vidi gore: misli  na partiju), „to je naš neposredni cilj“.[92] „Radničke mase“ treba „rasporediti ovdje ili ondje, organizirati, zapovijedati im“, „dezertere“ „formirati u kaznene bataljune“ ili poslati u „koncentracijske logore“.[93] Lenjin i Trocki su se neapologetički suprotstavljali samoupravljanju,[94] a Trockijeva Lijeva opozicija je zagovarala prisilnu industrijalizaciju dugo prije Staljina.[95]

Prije nego što me netko optuži da probirem citate, uočite da su boljševici djelovali upravo duž linija koje ovi citati sugeriraju; sustav vijeća iz Države i revolucije postojao je samo kao riječi u nedovršenom pamfletu.

 

Kojoj bismo se tradiciji trebali okrenuti u današnjim borbama?

Braniti Rusku revoluciju od liberalnih i konzervativnih kritika vrijedno je svake pohvale. Povezati ovo s obranom boljševičkog režima koji je uništio revoluciju znači počiniti ozbiljnu pogrešku.

Kako bismo povratili socijalizam, moramo povratiti njegove participativno demokratske i revolucionarne tradicije, potisnute lenjinističkim marksizmom. Ovo zahtjeva da se iskreni marksisti ozbiljno uhvate u koštac – umjesto da mu arogantno propovijedaju – s crnim plamenom anarhizma i sindikalizma, te njegovom alternativnom vizijom slobodarskog komunizma, revolucionarnog procesa i radikalne demokracije.

 

Lucien van der Walt


 

Bilješke



[*] Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol 1) je knjiga koju su napisali Lucien van der Walt i Michael Schmidt a koja se bavi idejama, poviješću i značajem široke anarhističke tradicije u radničkom pokretu.

[†] International Socialist Tendency (IST) je međunarodna grupacija različitih trockističkih organizacija utemeljena na idejama Tonya Cliffa, osnivača britanske Socijalističke radničke partije (SWP).



[1] Ove argumente dalje razvijam u radu dostupnom na adresi: http://lucienvanderwalt.blogspot.com/2011/02/anarchism-black-flame-marxism-and-ist.html. Zahvaljujem Shawnu Hattinghu, Ianu Bekkeru, Iainu McKayu i Wayneu Priceu na komentarima.

[2] Blackledge, 2010, str.132.

[3] Birchall, 2010, str.177.

[4] Zeilig, 2009 , str.221-2. Terminom „sindikalizam“ označavam revolucionarni sindikalizam koji kombinira svakodnevnu borbu sa ciljem preuzimanja sredstava za proizvodnju. Proizišao je iz anarhističkog krila Prve internacionale; to je anarhistička strategija i svi njegovi oblici čine dio „široke anarhističke tradicije“.

[5] Blackledge, 2010, str.132.

[6] Zeilig, 2009 , str.221-222.

[7] Bakunin [1870], str.185,189, istaknuto u originalu.

[8] Bakunin, 1953, str.300,319,378.

[9] Kropotkin [1912], str.188.

[10] Anderson, 2006, str.254.

[11] Vidi online članak za potpunu referencu.

[12] Meyer, 2003, str.218; Epstein, 2001.

[13]“Conférences Internationale Syndicales-107,” www.anarkismo.net/article/5434

[14] Goaman, 2004, str.173-174.

[15] Birchall, 2010 , str.179-180, referenca na Draper, 1966, 4. poglavlje

[16] Keffer, 2005.

[17] Birchall, 2010, str.178, posebno Serge’s Revolution in Danger.

[18] Thorpe, 1989, str.96,98,100,164,179,197,200.

[19] Blackledge, 2010, str.136,139,142.

[20] Zeilig, 2010, str.222. Vidi van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, poglavlja 4, 6.

[21] Na primjer, Chaplin [1933].

[22] Bakunin [1869], str.152-154; također Bakunin [1870], str.190.

[23] Bakunin [1865], str.137.

[24] Bakunin, [1870], str.190.

[25] Engels [1873], 1972. Vidi McKay, The Anarchist FAQ, sekcija H 4.7.

[26] Vidi online rad za reference, kao i “Declaration of the Principles of Revolutionary Syndicalism”: Thorpe, 1989, str.324.

[27] Blackledge, 2010, str.139.

[28] Holloway, 2005.

[29] Blackledge, 2010, str.139.

[30] Maura, 1971, str.66,68, 72, 80-83.

[31] Gómez Casas, 1986, str.137, 144, 154-157.

[32] Gómez Casas, 1986, str.171, 173-175; CNT [1 May 1936], str.10-11.

[33]  Paz, 1987, str.247.

[34] Friends of Durruti [1938, 1978], str.25.

[35] Friends of Durruti [1938, 1978], str.25.

[36] Birchall, 2010, str.175.

[37] Abad de Santillan [1937], str.47.

[38] Blackledge, 2010 , str.133-134, 136, 143-144.

[39] Bakunin [1871b], str.269.

[40] van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, str.109.

[41] Bakunin, 1990, str.63.

[42] Price, 2007, str.172-173.

[43] Bakunin, 1953, str.287.

[44] Price, 2007, str.172, istaknuto u originalu.

[45] Gordon, 2008, str.69-70.

[46] van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009 , str.70-71, 240-242, 244-247, 256-257.

[47] Blackledge, 2010, str.131-132, 148.

[48] Avrich, 1988, str.229-239.

[49] Bakunin [1870], str.184, 186-187, 189-192, 197, 204.

[50] Kropotkin [1880], str.123-124.

[51] Blackledge, 2010 , str.136, 139, 142.

[52] U Hodges, 1986, str.83-84.

[53] Bakunin [1865], str.138; vidi van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, 8. poglavlje.

[54] Rocker [1938], str.64, 74, 77.

[55] Bakunin [1871a], str.249, 250-251.

[56] Zeilig, 2009, str.221-2.

[57] Blackledge, 2010, str.133, bilješka 15.

[58] Zeilig, 2010, str.222.

[59] Na primjer, Blackledge, 2006; Harman, 2004; Rees, 1998; Renton, 2002, 2004; Banaji, 2010, uvod urednika.

[60] Harman, 1987, str.18.

[61] Blackledge, 2010, str.132.

[62] Birchall, 1974.

[63] Zeilig, 2010, str.221-222.

[64] Castoriadis, 2001, str.77.

[65] Blackledge, 2010, str.146-147.

[66] Zeilig, 2010 , str.221-222.

[67] Cliff, 2000 , str.66-67.

[68] Sve brojke, osim ako nije navedeno drugačije, iz Shukman, 1994, str.29, 166, 175, 177, 182, 184, 187.

[69] Cliff [1964], str.30-34.

[70] Devinatz, 2003.

[71] Harman, 1987, str.43.

[72] Pirani, 2010a.

[73] Cliff [1964], str.28, 34.

[74] Za rezime vidi McKay, The Anarchist FAQ, sekcija H 6.3.

[75] Kronstadt je pozivao na nove, slobodne izbore za sovjete; nikada nije pozivao na “sovjete bez boljševika”: Avrich, 1991, str.181.

[76] Avrich, 1967, str.184-185; Brovkin, 1991, str.159; Farber, 1990, str.22; Malle, 1985, str.240,366-367; Rabinowitch, 2007, str.248-252; Schapiro, 1977, str.191.

[77] Citirano u Daniels, 1985, str.90.

[78] Shukman, 1994, str.182-3.

[79] Avrich, 1984.

[80] Avrich, 1967, str.234-237; Brovkin, 1998, str.20-26, 44-46, 52-53,61-80,90-93; Bulletin[1923-1931]; Dubovic and Rublyov, 2009; Jansen, 1982; Pirani, 2010b.

[81] Za nedavnu debatu o “Mahnovističkom” anarhističkom pokretu, vidi McKay, 2007, str.30-32, 39.

[82] Bakunin [1872], str.284; Kropotkin [1912], str.170, 186.

[83] Blackledge, 2010 , str.133, 146-147.

[84] Usporedi Blackledge, 2010, str.133.

[85] Harman, 1987, str.19-20.

[86] Cliff, 2000 , str.29-30.

[87] Vidi na primjer, Lenin [1918], str.599.

[88] Price, 2007, str.128-129; Tabor, 1988, str.93-104.

[89] Lenin [1917], str.255.

[90] Lenin, [1920], str.21, istaknuo autor članka.

[91] Trotsky, 10th Party Congress, in Farber, 1990, str.203.

[92] Lenin [1917], str.273; također Lenin [1918], str.258, 269.

[93] Trotsky, 9th Party Congress, in Brinton, 1970, str.61; također Trotsky [1920], str.150-151.

[94] Lenin [1918], str.258, 269; Trotsky [1920] 1921, str.150-151; vidi također Brinton, 1970.

[95] Marot, 2006.

 

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Shukman, Harold (ed), 1994, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of the Russian Revolution (Wiley-Blackwell).

Tabor, Ron, 1988, A Look at Leninism (Aspect Foundation).

Thorpe, Wayne, 1989, “The Workers Themselves”: Revolutionary Syndicalism and International Labour 1913-23 (Kulwer Academic Publishers/ IISH).

Trotsky, Leon [1920], 1921, The Defence of Terrorism (The Labour Publishing Company/George Allen and Unwin).

van der Walt, Lucien, and Michael Schmidt, 2009, Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (AK Press).

Zeilig, Leo, 2010, “Contesting the Revolutionary Tradition,” International Socialism 127 (summer 2010), www.isj.org.uk/?id=674

 

 

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